{"id":2232,"date":"2017-09-13T13:34:20","date_gmt":"2017-09-13T12:34:20","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cooperativeeconomy.info\/?p=2232"},"modified":"2026-02-23T09:37:14","modified_gmt":"2026-02-23T09:37:14","slug":"creating-a-participatory-system-of-economic-democracy-in-rojava","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/mesopotamia.coop\/creating-a-participatory-system-of-economic-democracy-in-rojava\/","title":{"rendered":"Creating a participatory system of economic democracy in Rojava"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Out of repression has emerged one of the world\u2019s most interesting experiments in democracy. And by democracy<\/a>, what is meant is not the formal capitalist variety of elections every few years in which consumption of consumer products is substituted for participation in societal decisions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Surrounded on all sides by hostile forces intent on destroying them, in a part of the world that Western pundits claim can only be ruled by dictators, the Kurds of Syria are intent on creating a society more democratic than any found in North America or Europe. This is not simply a matter of creating institutions of direct and communal, as opposed to representative, democracy but, most importantly, democratizing the economy. In the words of the imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah \u00d6calan, \u201cIn self-government, an alternative economic system is necessary, one that augments the resources of society rather than exploiting them, and in that way satisfies the society\u2019s multitude of needs.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The many sides of that equation are explored in detail in\u00a0Revolution in Rojava: Democratic Autonomy and Women\u2019s Liberation in Syrian Kurdistan<\/em><\/a>,* a study of Rojava\u2019s experiment in radical democracy by three activists who spent months in Rojava<\/a> studying the society being constructed, and who themselves have been involved in Rojava in various capacities. One of the authors, Anja Flach, spent two years in the Kurdish women\u2019s guerrilla army. Her co-authors are Ercan Ayboga, an environmental engineer, and Michael Knapp, a historian. Although the three authors make clear their sympathies for the Rojava revolution, their book is not hagiographic, but rather a serious analysis of a developing process.<\/p>\n\n\n

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The Kurdish people are split among four countries \u2014 Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey \u2014 and have long suffered persecution in each of them. Their persecution in Turkey is well known; successive Turkish governments have attempted to disrupt organizing, obliterate Kurdish culture and ban the Kurdish language through waves of lethal military crackdowns. Mr. \u00d6calan escaped Turkey after a military coup that led to hundreds of thousands of Kurds thrown into jail; he and the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) he leads were granted asylum in Syria. In the late 1990s, under Turkish pressure, Syria expelled the PKK, and a year later, Mr. \u00d6calan was abducted from a Greek consulate (a kidnapping believed to be a CIA operation) and has been imprisoned in Turkey since.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But that the Syrian r\u00e9gime found the PKK a useful lever against Turkey for a time did nothing to ameliorate ruthless repression against the Kurds of northern Syria. The Ba\u2019ath Party of the Assad family implemented a policy of \u201cArabization\u201d against Kurds and the other minority groups of the areas now comprising Rojava. Kurds were routinely forcibly removed from their farm lands and other properties, with Arabs settled in their place. Bashar al-Assad, in contrast to the misplaced hopes that he might institute a thaw upon succeeding his father in 2000, instituted a harsh neoliberalism. Mass privatization, suppression of unions, the shredding of the social safety net and a channeling of investment capital into tourism and away from production had a particularly devastating impact on Rojava.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After the uprisings in Syria against the Ba\u2019ath r\u00e9gime began in 2011, the struggle quickly became militarized. The Kurds avoided being overrun by the Syrian army or the various Islamist forces because of their own organization. Grassroots organizing had been done steadily since the 1990s, and when local government collapsed following the 2011 uprisings, that organizing, a nascent council system and the formation of militias enabled the carving out of an autonomous territory. People surrounded government buildings, demanding the surrender of all arms while guaranteeing the safe passage of all Syrian government officials. This tactic worked, quickly sweeping through all three \u201ccantons\u201d of Rojava. (A canton is a portion of a province, perhaps bigger than a U.S. county or French department but smaller than a U.S. state or a French region.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The aim here was to create a democratic territory through peaceful means. This takeover was accomplished nearly without bloodshed, although Rojava\u2019s militias have had to repeatedly repulse attacks from Islamic State, al-Qaeda and other hostile forces, as well as fend off the sometimes active hostility of the Turkish government, which has allowed Islamic State terrorists to freely cross the border and re-arm themselves. Sadly, Rojava has also been subjected to periodic blockades and political harassment from the two corrupt parties that control Iraqi Kurdistan, which borders Rojava to the east.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The system of democratic autonomy<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The basic units of Rojava\u2019s organization are councils and commissions. These constitute the building blocks of Rojava\u2019s system of \u201cdemocratic confederalism.\u201d The authors of Revolution in Rojava<\/em> explain this concept in this way:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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\u201cDemocratic Confederalism aims at achieving the autonomy of society, that is, a society that administers itself through small, self-governing decentralized units. It entails a permanent social revolution, reflected in every aspect of social structure. All institutions are self-organized and self-administered.\u201d [page 44]<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Concurrent with that concept is \u201cdemocratic autonomy,\u201d which is defined as \u201cthe autonomy of the commune\u201d in an \u201canti-centrist, bottom-up approach.\u201d The commune is the basic unit of self-government, the base of the council system. A commune comprises the households of a few streets within a city or village, usually 30 to 400 households. Above the commune level are community people\u2019s councils comprising a city neighborhood or a village. The next level up are the district councils, consisting of a city and surrounding villages. The top of the four levels is the People\u2019s Council of West Kurdistan, which elects an executive body on which about three dozen people sit. (\u201cWest Kurdistan\u201d is the portion of Kurdistan that lies within Syria.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Integrated within the four-level council system are eight commissions \u2014 women, defense, economics, politics, civil society, free society, justice and ideology \u2014 that work with councils at all four levels; in turn commissions at local levels coordinate their work with commissions in adjacent areas. There is also a ninth commission, health, responsible for coordinating access to health care (regardless of ability to pay) and maintaining hospitals, in which medical professionals fully participate. Except for the women\u2019s commission, all bodies have male and female co-leaders.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Taking with upmost seriousness the full liberation of women<\/a> (also expressed in the all-women\u2019s militias that fight on the front lines the same as men\u2019s units), the women\u2019s commissions are tasked, inter alia, with adjudicating cases of patriarchal violence and forced marriage. An umbrella women\u2019s movement organizes women across Rojava, taking on activities including educational work, publishing a newspaper, pushing for legislation, and investigating and documenting domestic violence. This work has roots in the 1990s, when PKK women organized door to door. When organizing by men was heavily suppressed after 2004, women organized clandestinely, giving them experience.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Making women\u2019s participation central is of course a glaring contrast with the Islamist groups and the so-called moderate groups of the Free Syrian Army. Every organization in Rojava must include at least 40 percent women. Asya Abdullah, co-chair of the Democratic Party of Kurdistan, Rojava\u2019s largest party, said the revolution is conscious of not repeating the mistakes of the past, in which women\u2019s liberation was often put on the back-burner. She said:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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\u201cWe\u2019re a still long way from achieving our goals. \u2026 But we\u2019ve learned from the failed revolutions in the past. They always said, \u2018Let\u2019s carry the revolution to success, and then we\u2019ll give women our rights.\u2019 But after the revolution, of course, it didn\u2019t happen. We\u2019re not repeating that old story in our revolution.\u201d [page 70]<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Creating a new justice system<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

As with many governmental functions, the judicial system has had to be rebuilt from scratch. Peace committees seek consensus through dialogue at the commune and neighborhood levels. The goal is rehabilitation rather than punishment. Most cases are settled in peace committees, but felonies and those cases not adjudicated in the peace committees are assigned to district-level people\u2019s courts. There are separate women\u2019s peace committees that handle cases of male violence against women in which all-women panels hand down decisions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Parallel to these systems of democratic self-activity is the Democratic-Autonomous Administration. This is essentially a dual government, created primarily for foreign governments. Because Rojava\u2019s councils have been ignored elsewhere, the DAA was created so that world\u2019s governments would have a government they could recognize. Each of three Rojava cantons has a DAA, which includes an elected parliament and ministries that are distributed among the various political parties so that each has at least one minister. These, however, rely on the earlier-established council system and work with the councils. The division of labor between the councils and the DAA has yet to be worked out, nor how to reconcile a dual-government structure.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Civil society associations also play large roles in Rojava. These groups perform educational work, organize grassroots activity and place representatives on the councils. Many of these associations are occupation groups. In contrast to what the Kurdish movement sees as the state existing as a means of extracting profits for favored social groups or classes and inculcating a fixation on authority, civil society is substituted for a state. The authors write:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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\u201cThe Kurdish movement, in its anti-statism, thus draws on [Antonio] Gramsci\u2019s concept of civil society in proposing to strengthen civil society for the purpose of overthrowing the state. In contrast to the abortive Bolshevist strategy of seizing state power, \u00d6calan posits, like Gramsci on the ideological, political struggle for civil society, a \u2018war of position\u2019 beyond military confrontation. Through empowerment, a civil society tries to free itself from the hands of the state and its religious, economic and administrative structures and so to build a counter-hegemony and to activate individual parts of the society to represent civil society in councils and communes.\u201d [pages 122-123]<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Economic development on a democratic basis<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This democratic concept extends to the economy. Food and fuel prices are controlled, working conditions are negotiated among several interest groups, workers\u2019 rights are defended and the pursuit of profit maximization is blocked to avoid the destructive tendencies of capitalism. The principals of the \u201ccommunal economy\u201d are described in this way by the Union of Civil Society Associations:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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\u201cThe state system exploited the society\u2019s labor power and trampled the rights of workers. Under Democratic Autonomy, civil society associations solve problems according to principles of moral politics and an ecological<\/a> society. The unity of society is the foundation. These associations hold society together. They ensure the unity that is needed to satisfy everyday social needs. Of course, they do this as part of democratic, communal life. They are how society organizes itself.\u201d [page 124]<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Rojava, the authors write, was a \u201cquasi-colony\u201d under the Ba\u2019ath r\u00e9gime. There was an enforced agricultural monoculture with no local production allowed. Oil, gas and agricultural products were shipped out, and canned food and finished products from elsewhere shipped in. Not even trees were allowed to be planted. So although there is much productive farmland, Rojava could not come close to self-sufficiency in food as all farmers were forced to raise wheat or cotton. Farming is now being re-oriented toward local needs so that a much higher percentage of food can be produced locally; this is partly a necessity as the area is often blockaded by neighbors.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The councils, already in existence, organized the economy to prevent a collapse after Rojava\u2019s liberation. Price controls, measures against hoarding food and medicine, agricultural diversification, planting fruit trees, and building grain mills and industry were implemented and are ongoing projects. Rojava\u2019s economic underdevelopment is seen locally as a disadvantage and an opportunity. It is the latter because, the authors write, it \u201callows the traditional social collectivism of the Kurdish people to be channeled positively to build a new, alternative economy.\u201d [page 197]<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Much of this new economy rests on cooperative enterprises. Cooperatives<\/a> are required to be connected to the council system; independence is not allowed. Cooperatives work through the economics commissions to meet social needs. Much of this cooperative production is in agriculture or small shops but there are plans to create more industry to meet local needs. Thirty percent of all coop proceeds must be given to local self-government administrations. And this is seen as a route to eliminating unemployment. The authors write:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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\u201cThe cooperative system is solving the problem of unemployment. \u2018Through the communes and cooperatives and the needs-based economy,\u2019 explains [Afrin University<\/a> chair] Dr. [Ahmad] Yousef, \u2018each person can participate in production in his own way, and there will be no unemployment. Where communes are established, it will become clear that unemployment is a result of the capitalist system itself.\u2019 \u201d [page 206]<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Such a system can\u2019t work without an educated population:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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\u201cTo ensure that society is able to make decisions about the use of water<\/a>, soil, and energy, information about the society\u2019s needs are taken out of the hands of the experts and socialized. Education is critical for this purpose. \u2018We school the people in how cooperatives can form a social economy,\u2019 says [Union of Kurdish Communities leader Cemil] Bay\u0131k. \u2018We are establishing economics academies to advance this.\u2019 \u201d [page 207]<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Surrounded by a hostile world<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

All this is at odds not only with the existing institutions and state organizations surrounding them, but with the capitalist powers as well. How can Rojava\u2019s experiment possibly survive in a such a hostile world? The authors of Revolution in Rojava<\/em> strongly urge the building of Left support sufficiently strong to influence North American and European governments. The people of Rojava, the authors stress, are in need of material support from the West at the same time they are acutely aware of the dangers of a U.S. embrace.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The idea that Rojava\u2019s acceptance of Western aid is a \u201cbetrayal\u201d is called \u201cna\u00efve\u201d by the authors, drawing parallels with Republican Spain of the 1930s. Describing Rojava as an \u201canti-fascist project,\u201d they note that the capitalist West turned its back on the Spanish Revolution, allowing fascism to triumph.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The danger of U.S. material support, of course, can\u2019t be underestimated, given that a communal economy oriented toward people\u2019s needs rather than private profit is anathema to U.S. corporate and government power, which have teamed up to throttle many a revolution attempting to transcend capitalism or simply assert independent development. Moreover, the U.S. wrongly classifies the PKK, which seeks to implement the same system as their fellow Kurds in Syria, as \u201cterrorists\u201d and has long supported Ankara\u2019s scorched-earth repression of Kurds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the short term, material support from the West is needed if Rojava is to successfully defend itself from Islamic militants and the Turkish government. Syrian (and Turkish) Kurds, who see their model as one that can be expanded across Syria and the entire Middle East, have their eyes open to the narrowness of the path that must be thread through these contradictions. Nor are their eyes closed to their unsolved problems of pollution, water, waste management, and the stop-gap use of diesel generators that is causing serious environmental problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The book ends on an optimistic note, readapting Rosa Luxemburg\u2019s famous phrase to declare the future is \u201ccommunalism or barbarism.\u201d Although brief discussions of Thomas Jefferson, Luxemburg and Gramsci (who was no opponent of the Bolsheviks) are poorly argued and their views misstated, this is at most a minor irritant in a work ably presenting the first comprehensive study of Rojava\u2019s inspiring experiment in mass-participation democracy. Revolution in Rojava<\/em> is an excellent introduction to a revolution that is not yet well known but should be.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

* Ercan Ayboga. Anja Flach and Michael Knapp (translated by Janet Biehl),<\/em> Revolution in Rojava: Democratic Autonomy and Women\u2019s Liberation in Syrian Kurdistan<\/a> [Pluto Books, London 2016]<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Out of repression has emerged one of the world\u2019s most interesting experiments in democracy. And by democracy, what is meant is not the formal capitalist variety of elections every few years in which consumption of consumer products is substituted for participation in societal decisions. Surrounded on all sides by hostile forces intent on destroying them,<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":582,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[252,85],"tags":[387],"class_list":["post-2232","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-democracy","category-women","tag-afrin-university"],"acf":[],"wps_subtitle":"This review of the book Revolution in Rojava includes some valuable information about Rojava's new economic and legal systems. It is republished here from Systemic Disorder<\/a>, where it appeared on 30 August 2017","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/mesopotamia.coop\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2232","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/mesopotamia.coop\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/mesopotamia.coop\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mesopotamia.coop\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mesopotamia.coop\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2232"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/mesopotamia.coop\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2232\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":14358,"href":"https:\/\/mesopotamia.coop\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2232\/revisions\/14358"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mesopotamia.coop\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/582"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/mesopotamia.coop\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2232"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mesopotamia.coop\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2232"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mesopotamia.coop\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2232"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}