RIC: What is the Syrian Women’s Council?

Youssef: The Syrian Women’s Council was established on September 8th, 2017. It is a feminist council that functions as an umbrella organization. It encompasses civil organizations, representatives of political parties and independent figures. Our council operates not only in North and East Syria [NES] but throughout all of Syria. The Syrian Women’s Council was established to address the ongoing suffering of women; a problem that has persisted throughout history and is deeply entrenched in societal norms and traditions. The crisis in Syria has only exacerbated the suffering of women, and led to displacement, poverty, killings and violations. Women were already facing difficulties before the crisis, and their misery has only intensified in its aftermath. The experiences gained in NES and the women-led revolution provided a solid foundation for our efforts.

Were the recent developments in Syria a shock to you? Were you anticipating the offensive of HTS

The Syrian crisis has been ongoing for 14 years. The most recent period has been marked by stagnation. The recent developments were not anticipated, particularly the seizing of Syria by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham. We had expected that Iran’s role would diminish in the region. The Turkish attack was foreseeable due to the Turkish state’s antagonism towards any democratic initiative. Turkey seeks to restore the glories of the Ottoman Empire and wants to control as much of the region as possible by occupying it. Since the Gaza war, the Syrian Women’s Council anticipated rapid change in the region because all situations are interconnected. The war in Gaza, the killing of the Iranian president and the attack on Lebanon all indicated that events in Syria would change. However, the rapidity with which these events unfolded was not anticipated.

Do you anticipate another period of prolonged conflict in the near future?

We are at a major critical juncture. The situation has not stabilized, as evidenced by the ongoing conflict in Lebanon and the failure of any Arab country in which a regime has fallen to stabilize. The only thing that gives us some hope is the administration in NES [the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria – DAANES]. If the other parties, the international community and the new American government led by Trump enter into dialogue with us and put an end to the Turkish attacks through negotiations, the DAANES can chart the future of the region. The DAANES is open to any talks that will save the Syrian region, including dialogue with HTS. One can say that HTS’ experience in Idlib worked out, in that it was as stable as our areas in NES. If HTS rejects Turkish interference and does not return to its extremist mentality, there will be stability. However, if it allows Turkey to interfere in the Syria, the situation will deteriorate, leading to infighting, civil war and sectarianism. The Alawites are now in a very tense situation in the region; they live in a state of fear and terror.

The Syrian people must be aware that they are the ones who sacrificed during this revolution. They are the ones who lived in poverty. They are the ones who lost their children. They are the ones who endured displacement and suffering. The people must be more aware enough not to get drawn into hate speech and division, because they are the owner of this cause and they must stick to the right side.

There have been many initiatives to solve the Syrian crisis since 2011 – all of which failed. Now the conditions have completely changed. What possibilities do you see ahead?

Since the onset of the Syrian crisis in early 2011, all involved parties have sought to advance their interests. Russia, for instance, supported the former Syrian regime in light of its own vested interests. The Syrian crisis represented a strategic opportunity for Russia to re-establish its presence in the region, particularly in the wake of its failure to capitalize on opportunities in the aftermath of the Second World War. The establishment of military bases within Syrian territory by Russia can be seen as a manifestation of its aspirations to gain a foothold in warm waters. This ambition, in turn, was a key factor in its decision to support the Syrian regime. However, following the realization of its objectives, Russia has ceased to provide any form of support to the Syrian regime. The involvement of other actors, such as Turkey and Iran, is also noteworthy. Iran, for instance, supported the Syrian regime and played a significant role in the Syrian crisis. However, its motivations were not aligned with those of Russia, as it sought to advance its own agenda. The meetings held in Astana and Geneva, among others, proved unsuccessful due to the conflicting interests of the involved parties, which hindered the resolution of the Syrian crisis. It is evident that all negotiations that transpired excluded the Syrian populace and institutions who aspired to negotiate autonomously. Consequently, the rationale behind external entities negotiating on behalf of the Syrian people becomes questionable.

Since the beginning of the crisis, all parties have been looking at Syria as if it were a cake that they want to divide. Each wants to take their share of it. Turkey has occupied a great deal of land and still aspires to control more under the pretext that there are terrorists on its borders and it is protecting its national security. On the contrary, we are the ones who must protect our national security from Turkey. We have never entered Turkish lands, nor have we fired a shot towards Turkey. Turkey is always the one who attacks and occupies Syrian lands. The Baath regime was lazy. It did not care about the Syrian territories. It only cared about collecting as much money as possible, looting Syria and its wealth and preserving it within the family. This is why the Syrian crisis lasted for a long time, and the parties that offered genuine solutions were excluded from the negotiations. The DAANES tried before to talk with the regime to put our hands together to solve the Syrian crisis, but the latter did not accept.

How are your relations with other women’s organizations or activists in Syria currently?

From the beginning of the establishment of the Council, our goal was to bring together the Syria in its entirety: all its regions and governorates. Practically, we had offices in Aleppo, Manbij, Tartous, Damascus, Suwayda and Latakia. Our offices were not only in NES. We also had representatives from inside and outside Syria. After the fall of the regime, we made a statement which led to over 13 requests from parties wanting to participate. This followed a discussion between many parties on the Syrian scene including women from the Opposition. The Syrian Women’s Council is open to all parties and sects in Syria. We aim to ensure that women play a part in constructing the new constitution, so that their rights and effective participation in all branches of the state can be guaranteed. In NES there have been achievements along these lines. A Social Contract has been written.

We have communicated with many organizations and parties. When we held our second conference in Aleppo in May, we had 90 women from inside Syria who attended. They came from Homs, Hama, Idlib, Sweida and Damascus. We have representatives in Lebanon and Dubai. Our goal has been to unify visions. Parties and organizations who were from other parts in Syria did not join us so readily, but they saw that we are here, on the ground, they saw our ideas and what our demands are, and that we seek to preserve women’s rights in a new constitution. Through this, we were able to establish common visions between organizations and parties. This was not easy. This happened after we held many conferences and forums. Our goal is to unite women, regardless of their sect or wherever they live within Syria. The important thing is that we end the suffering Syrian women have been experiencing and preserve our rights in the new Syrian constitution and ensure that women can equally participate in life.

What kind of civil administration do you expect from HTS?

We sent a delegation from the Syrian Women’s Council to Damascus to talk to the new government, if they agree to dialogue. They have made many promises, but we see that this talk and the things that happen on the ground do not match. As the Syrian Women’s Council, we have no issue with who will take over the government, even if it is HTS. We have a path, a goal and principles. One of these principles is a peaceful solution for Syria, and that the Syrian people secure their rights, and that there be no internal warring between sects and ethnic groups. We are for the freedom, unity and territorial integrity of Syria. We want a federal system, where all sects have rights. For example, Alawites must have the right to practice its religious rituals, express freely, and live as they choose. Syria must be decentralized, pluralistic and democratic. This is our goal and this is our path.

The fall of the regime was a positive step, because the previous regime did not want to solve the crisis. The next step following the fall of the regime however, is a sensitive one. It needs a lot of work. Our delegation is now in Damascus. We will engage with al-Dibs, who is in charge of women’s affairs. We will see if she accepts our ideas, we will put our hands together. We are now in a transitional stage. We are not fully confident that the new government can control things and not create a security gap in the region. We have to be careful. We don’t want fighting between sects. We don’t want hatred being engineered, like the previous regime did, which led to killing people based on identity. This would drag the region into a long war. Therefore, this period requires a lot of work from us.

What is your position regarding the foreign forces who remain in Syria?

The US cannot now withdraw from Syria, because the situation is still unstable and we still have prisons full of ISIS members. The situation in Syria is a big crisis. ISIS families in al-Hol camp are like a ticking time bomb. An international trial for them has been requested. The Syrian Women’s Council has a camps committee. Every week we go to the camps and give awareness lectures to the women there. We try to extricate them from ISIS ideology, because there are women in the camp who are organizing themselves and committing many crimes. There is a new generation of ISIS being created in the camp.

So how do you see your position in this period?

A big role is on the shoulders of the Syrian Women’s Council. We want to be at the negotiating table. If we are not present in the negotiations occurring over Syria, the Syrian crisis will not be resolved. We represent the peaceful solution for all sects. We are now preparing to hold a forum in the near future to include all organizations, unions, parties and feminist figures who fight for women’s rights. We will discuss and determine the future steps and what our strategy will be, and we will continue along the path that we started.

The interview was conducted in English and was lightly edited for clarity. 

RIC: How was your situation in Shehba prior to the SNA entering the area?

Hassan: In Shehba I worked independently. I had a small NGO [an association] that looked after the Afrin IDPs in the camps. In 2012, I was working as an English teacher. In 2018, when Afrin came under Turkish onslaught and occupation, I left for Shehba with 300,000 people. Most of them settled inside Aleppo and are still inside Aleppo. The majority of Afrin IDPs are inside Aleppo.

From inside, Shehba was a very stable area. Although there were some Syrian [Arab Army] troops on the outskirts, there was a good police force and the court administered justice. People got daily bread, seven hours of electricity a day, municipal services and drinking water free of charge. Medical treatment. We felt secure that there were no robbers. It was safe on the inside. But what turned life into hell in some villages near the front line was the constant bombardment. Clashes every day between the Afrin Liberation Forces and Syrian [Arab] Army on one side, and Turkish Army and Turkish-backed groups on the other sides. But the civilians – both locals and Afrin IDPs – got used to that. They had nowhere to go. They were locked up inside that small enclave. A lot of work was available in the area; many had opened small shops. You could see exchange, money exchange shops, jewellery shops, pharmacies. It was full of life before the invaders came to destroy every last breath of life in that area. I received a video of the town we were living in – it’s like a ghost town now.

And when did you leave Shehba?

I think it was a Tuesday. I have forgotten the exact date because I was so troubled that day. Maybe it was the 4th of December, after the attack on Aleppo and the fall of the city to Hayat Tahrir al-Sham and allied groups of Islamists. We knew that Shehba had strategically fallen and there was no point keeping on clashing with the armed groups, especially because we had news from Afrin that the Turkish-backed SNA factions were readying themselves for an onslaught on that enclave. Then they attacked the Shia towns to the west of Shehba. Turkish drones and artillery, heavy artillery, shelling of Shehba villages and towns. They even targeted civilians inside Tel Rifaat and other towns. There were many casualties. We knew that we had to cross out of the area but it was risky to get out of the area because the military situation was changing quickly. I saw the small Russian contingent at midnight withdrawing from the area. In the early morning I saw Syrian tanks with troops riding the tanks in the early morning. It was frosty, miserable conditions. They were also leaving the area.

But then the Afrin Liberation Forces prevented them from leaving the area because if they left the area they would be ambushed on the road. I mean, the armed groups were also flanking around Aleppo from the east, and the Turkish-backed rebels were also attacking from al-Bab city, advancing towards Aleppo, to close the gap that would be the escape route for the Shehba people. And then it was an attack, a full scale attack from all directions by them. The defensive lines held them for some time, but they infiltrated from the west and from the south. HTS from the south and the Turkish-backed groups from the west. Suddenly, I saw them one kilometre away from our town, inside a small village called al-Ahdas. Dozens, even hundreds of mortars were falling on the town and around it.

At that moment I told my neighbours to get out of the town which we were living in. We had no place to go. We said let’s go to the camp because it will be safer. A refugee camp; all the population of Shehba coming together there, so they would not be slaughtered. Because they were even firing indiscriminately. At that time, other Afrin IDPs in different Shehba villages – around 70 I think, there were around 70 towns and villages – all of them flocked together, ran hastily with whatever they could pick up. Many of them were walking, carrying their bags.

They flocked to the columns of cars. Then we had news that there was a deal between al-Nusra and the international coalition to allow the Afrin IDPs to get safely out of that area. That gave us a sigh of relief, but we were still troubled. We were afraid, people were in shock and terror. How could such a big number of vehicles all get out of Shehba? We stayed in the column for more than 30 hours until it was our turn to move to the east.

We got news from some of those who left that they were close to Manbij; others said that they were on their way to Tabqa. That gave us a hope of escape because we were expecting that it was the end; that we would be captured and slaughtered, taken prisoner by them. We were more worried about our kids falling into the hands of ruthless, merciless groups. They act without anybody who holds them accountable. On the way to Raqqa it was a very difficult trip. I was so afraid that the car might break down while we were crossing the areas controlled by the Turkish-backed groups, next to al-Bab and Manbij. Even on the way to Tabqa we saw them; they were still fighting with the Syrian army in that area.

They had advanced maybe 40 to 50 kilometers from their former positions. There were a lot of checkpoints. They harassed the passers by. They seemed more like armed gangs than disciplined military forces. Unlike the al-Nusra groups, who used to show their backs to the convoy. But the majority of the road was controlled by the Turkish-backed rebels. We also saw different road signs then. I saw the convoy heading towards Aleppo. And after ten minutes of driving I looked at the sign and saw that Aleppo was getting nearer. The way is going to Idlib, we’re heading west. We felt that was a trick to drive us into a trap. We turned back; everybody told each other to turn back.

We turned back and got onto the Raqqa motorway. After crossing the checkpoints of the Turkish-backed groups, we came to a checkpoint of the Syrian Army in a place called Deir Hafir. I saw the SDF Asayish in the streets. That was a moment I can’t forget it; it was the salvation. We were alive. That gave us spirit, morale. I became happy that my kids are safe. I began to laugh with my children. We drove until we arrived in Tabqa. It was a 12 hour journey. Difficult, terrible moments I can’t forget. I saw a lot of tractors moving on deflated tyres. I saw people walking to Raqqa. I saw many sleeping on the road behind their broken cars. The convoy extended from Shehba to Tabqa. It was very long, a big number of people, around 70,000 people at least. We arrived in Tabqa in the early morning. I saw my cousin had come from Qamishlo to receive us. From there we went to Raqqa and an Arab man invited us to his home. He gave us breakfast, he was so friendly. He was a hunter, he had just got back from hunting. He presented me with some fish, some birds. I thanked him so much. Then we left for Heseke. A six hour trip. We arrived here in this town [Amude]. So for the last five days I have been here.

We are happy that we arrived here but we are still worried that the worst might even happen here: an attack on this area. If that happens, where will hundreds of thousands of people go? I have two families also with me who were in my convoy. They are living here. We are thinking to leave for the Iraqi border if this area comes under attack. We would have no choice because we don’t trust the armed groups. Never, never trust them. They are merciless, ruthless. I have seen their crimes against humanity, their abuse towards civilians, in Afrin and elsewhere.

The SNA had been created by Turkey to attack the Kurds. Led by the Turkmens and former ISIS fighters, the Free Syrian Army, common criminals, all grouped together into more than 20 armed groups. Even 50 – in the past there were 50 and then some of them merged into bigger groups. Their prime target is serving the Turkish state and attacking the Kurds, demographically cleansing the area of the Kurdish ethnicity.

During their occupation of Afrin they took a lot of spoils. Thousands of armed militiamen – Syrians from the other parts of Syria – were bussed in to Afrin at that time, according to the Astana Agreement between Russia and Iran and Turkey. Many of them joined the SNA. In Afrin, they had distributed the villages amongst themselves like the feudal lords of the Middle Age. Each group was controlling several villages, living inside the best homes, bringing their relatives with them, putting their hands on the olive crops of the region. In each village, you could see dozens of armed men living inside. It was so hard for the local Kurds and Arabs to even breathe freely. Only 20% of the locals stayed behind. The others had been displaced.

The Turkish-backed Syrian National Army, attacked [Shehba] from the east, north and west, while al-Nusra attacked from the South. They attacked Shehba from all directions. My cousin was killed while he was in a convoy. He found himself among a group of SNA militiamen carrying arms – even swords – for slaughter, to frighten the Afrin IDPs . I also heard many stories about an Arab woman beheaded by them, a Yezidi man beheaded by them. One man was with me – he was a local from Shehba, not an Afrin IDP – and he said that all the young men in his village were arrested, tortured and taken to unknown locations.

What is your current situation, and the situation of the IDPs?

There is an urgent need to look after this big number of IDPs. So far I haven’t seen an international organisation or charity providing aid here. We received some aid from the local communes and from the locals here, and I’m so thankful to them. But the big a crisis needs international intervention. Unfortunately it was like Shehba. In Shehba, for the last two years we received zero international aid. Even UNICEF which provided drinking water to the Afrin IDP camps stopped providing them with water, maybe for political reasons, I don’t know. I hope this will not happen here because people have left everything behind. It is not the first time they are being displaced. In my case it is the third time to be displaced, to leave my home. In Shehba I had established a home. The owner of the home used to visit me every year. We paid rent. We had bought electrical appliances inside the home. We had built a kitchen. I’m also worried. I’m so sad about my pets we left behind. The cats and the dog. My children are still so sad about that. Life [in Shehba] was stable. But all the time it was disturbed by Turkey’s military attacks on us.

None of my family stayed behind in Shehba. I hear that some Kurds and Arabs who were IDPs in Shehba are still there. Some of them made their way into Afrin with difficulty and some were arrested, questioned. One of my neighbours called me on the phone, he was arrested for two days. He was an Arab man, he was not a Kurd. He said they took his identity card and that the next day he would have to go for further investigation. Since then I have had no news from him. We arrived here as three families, each with family five members. One of them is a doctor, the other is a lawyer, and my wife also is a court judge, and the wife of my neighbour who came here is an Arabic teacher. It is very difficult to stay here without aid from the international community because we have no property here, we have no jobs here. If we stay here we will definitely look for a job to provide for ourselves and our families.

A few days after the above interview with Hassan Hassan was recorded, RIC asked Hassan some follow-up questions on the phone, regarding his recollection that HTS participated in the attack on Shehba. RIC also reached out to Ibrahim Sheikho, Shehba IDP and coordinator of the Human Rights Afrin organization for his comment on the same topic. The questions and answers are transcribed below.

RIC to Hassan: You say HTS also attacked?

Hassan: Hayat Tahrir al-Sham was attacking Shehba. It attacked the town of Ahdas. The battle raged inside. There were casualties from both sides.

RIC: HTS were only attacking in Ahdas, or other places in Shehba canton too?

Hassan: They also attacked the town of Babinis, Sheikh Najar, Fafeen, the infantry school of the SAA. It is now reported that they are inside some parts of Shehba, but I don’t know if they control everywhere.

RIC: Was it clear where HTS was attacking and where the SNA was attacking? How could you see the difference? 

Hassan: When we were evacuated from the area we saw them. I know them by their uniforms, their vehicles, and the way they behaved with the people.

RIC: The militiamen committing the crimes you describe were HTS or SNA?

Hassan: They were SNA. They attacked Tel Rifaat and neighbouring towns.

RIC to Sheikho: To your knowledge, were HTS also involved in the attack on Shehba?

Sheikho: HTS formally never attacked the Kurdish forces. Not in Shehba or anywhere else. But it’s true that some groups from Sheikh Najar attacked Shehba, Babinis and Ahdas. But in my opinion it was the armed groups connected to the Dawn of Freedom operations room of the Opposition, not HTS. I assume HTS didn’t attack. They did not release a formal statement. I don’t believe this thing. We now have the chance to compromise with HTS. The armed groups of the Syrian Opposition attacked, carried out a massacre. I assume HTS did not enter Fafeen or Shehba. HTS was working in Aleppo city. If HTS would have attacked Shehba they would also have attacked Sheikh Maqsoud. So I assume HTS did not enter Fafeen or the other places. Those fighting there were the Hamza division, Suleiman Shah, and the al-Mutasim division, under the name of the Dawn of Freedom operations room, in the National Army connected to Turkey.

December 15, 2024

What and where are Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh?

With a population of only around 10,000 prior to the 2011 outbreak of the Syrian revolution, these Kurdish-majority neighborhoods within Syria’s diverse second-largest city Aleppo soon swelled. Their population was reported at 30,000 individuals during 2016. As of 2020, a representative stated the neighborhoods were now home to 30,000 families, giving an estimated population of up to 100,000 individuals. While majority-Kurdish, members of the region’s Christian minorities and Arab families displaced by the war have also found a safe haven in these cities.

“At first, the people who arrived had nothing, so an organization for helping the displaced people was built up. Many houses were empty because the Islamist militias had damaged them, or they had been burnt and looted. The organization found homes for those who did not have any money. Families moved into houses that had been abandoned but were still inhabitable and just needed to be repaired and refurbished. Organization like the Kurdish Red Crescent also took care of the displaced and distributed blankets and clothes.” – Sheikh Maqsoud Council member, 2020

What was the situation in Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh prior to the HTS advance?

Since the outbreak of the Syrian revolution, the two neighborhoods have remained under the political administration of what is now the multi-ethnic Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES), and protected by Kurdish People’s and Women’s Protection Units (YPG and YPJ), alongside the Kurdish-led Internal Security Forces (Asayish). The neighborhoods were among the first Kurdish regions to rise up against the Assad government, and subsequently endured successive attacks, embargoes and sieges by both Islamist armed groups and pro-Assad forces.

These regions are isolated from the contiguous regions under the control of the DAANES, and govern themselves autonomously while retaining political and humanitarian ties to the DAANES, and also latterly a pragmatic relationship with the Assad government following the recapture of the city from the Islamist militias. Electricity and water was allowed to enter the districts, while there was also coordination for education provision. This enabled the neighborhood administration to continue building a network of district-level communes and implementing its stated goals of women’s autonomy and ethnic minority participation, retaining political autonomy despite the close presence of hostile forces.

What prior violence have Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh faced?

Despite reaching pragmatic arrangements with both the Islamist opposition and Assad government, the Kurdish neighborhoods have faced repeated violence from both parties. Anti-Assad Kurdish protesters were shot dead by the SAA in the early stages of the revolution. After the remainder of Aleppo fell to the Syrian opposition, up to a thousand locals were killed or wounded in attacks on the neighborhood, which endured severe economic deprivation amid siege conditions. In 2016, Amnesty International described indiscriminate shelling of Sheikh Maqsoud by Islamist groups including Ahrar al-Sham and Jaysh al-Islam as amounting to war crimes. The rights watchdog documented the death of at least 83 civilians, including 30 children, in attacks which Amnesty reported may have involved the use of chlorine, a banned chemical weapon.

Following the SAA’s subsequent recapture of Aleppo, the security situation has generally improved. However, the Kurdish neighborhoods have at times been placed under conditions of siege by the Assad government as a way to exert political pressure on the DAANES by preventing the entry of fuel and other essential supplies. These measures led to critical fuel and medicine shortages, worsening humanitarian conditions in the neighborhoods.

What is the current situation in Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh?

The situation here is difficult for the civilian population; for the past four days, no fresh food has gotten into the neighborhood, and the water was recently cut off. We don’t know how the situation will turn out in Aleppo, because these forces all impose Islam through violence. In Aleppo, there are Kurds, Christians, Yezidis, and many ethnic and religious groups. These groups face severe danger, because [HTS] thinks like ISIS. They don’t accept these minorities, and force women to cover their heads. Just as ISIS entered Mosul, in Iraq, [HTS] have now entered all the neighborhoods of Aleppo, apart from Sheikh Maqsoud, where Kurds, Arabs and Syriac Christians all live together. – Kurdish media worker in Sheikh Maqsoud, 2 December 2024

Following the dramatic advance spearheaded by HTS, in collaboration with Turkish-controlled militias under the banner of the Syrian National Army (SNA), authoritarian Islamist and jihadist forces have once again taken control of all surrounding regions of Aleppo, leaving the neighborhoods under renewed conditions of siege. There have been outbursts of violence around the edges of the neighborhoods, including sniper fire and the reported capture of female YPJ fighters by HTS. Residents state they dread the return of authoritarian Islamist rule to Aleppo, and particularly the highly negative impact on women and ethnic minorities, who had enjoyed unprecedented freedom under the DAANES. As of December 2, 2024, negotiations are reportedly underway over potential security measures enabling Kurdish residents to remain in place, with many thousands of residents unwilling to flee their homes even at the risk of imminent violence.

“We need to challenge the prevailing traditions and cultural norms that perpetuate violence against women and make it seem inevitable. We assert that violence will never be women’s fate. It needs to be opposed and eradicated.”

Violence against women and girls remains one of the most prevalent and pervasive human rights violations in the world, according to the UN. Globally, almost one in three women have been subjected to physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence, non-partner sexual violence, or both, at least once in their life.

Sara was formed in 2013, its initial membership being mostly composed of teachers in the public school system. They chose the name “Sara” because it was a common woman’s name among the Christian, Arab, and Kurdish communities living in the region. Choosing a commonly-used name also served the purpose of concealing their operations, which could be met with societal backlash. In choosing the logo, Tammo explains, “We observed that a significant number of women who sought our assistance had visible signs of physical abuse inflicted by their husbands. We chose to utilize the hand gesture representing ‘STOP,’ in red to symbolize blood, because it was employed by numerous other organizations advocating for women’s rights and standing in solidarity with them against violence.”

Tammo tells RIC that Sara started as a volunteer organization, and most of its members are still working on a volunteer basis. Their first center was opened in Qamishlo, followed by centers in Kobane in 2016 and in Afrin in 2015 – prior to Turkey’s occupation of the region. Sara has since expanded its reach, including campaigns in IDP camps across NES.

Sara’s Role in the Justice System of NES

When the DAANES passed the Women’s Law in 2014, Sara was gratified. The Women’s Law entails principles such as prohibiting so-called honor killings, preventing polygamy, and prohibiting violence against women in general. The Family Law is the current iteration of the DAANES’ legislative enshrinement of women’s rights. Tammo explains that an article from this law that is most helpful to Sara is the one that permits a representative of women’s organizations to be present at court cases dealing with violence against women.

Sara accompanies women in court to ensure that their case will be heard in adherence to the Family Law. They sometimes act as defense attorneys for women who cannot afford one. “We assert that our objective is to advocate for the victim and uphold the principles of justice,” says Tammo. Even if a woman already has an attorney, Sara representatives can still be present at the court case to make sure justice will be doled out properly. Tammo explains that in many instances, the two families involved in a dispute will reach a reconciliation after making a financial payment to the family of the victim. In return, the aggrieved family will drop their lawsuit and accept the justification of the killing as a matter of honor. “However, in such cases, we refuse to accept this justification,” Tammo says, “maintaining that it is imperative to reject the notion of ‘honor’ as a defense for murdering women.”

After the Women’s Law was passed, Sara went on a campaign to spread knowledge of it, knowing it could be difficult for the society to grasp. They disseminated information about the legislation through lectures, meetings, and discussions. One of the campaigns they launched was titled “women are life, do not kill life.”

Difficulties and Reception

When the Women’s Law was originally implemented, there was a public reading of the law in a city square. When members of Sara attended, they heard complaints from men in the crowd. There were many doubts about how the law would be carried out.” I said: if they do not even want to listen to this, how can we implement it?” Tammo shares, “but we decided to struggle, trusting that time will bring results. We need to challenge the prevailing traditions and cultural norms that perpetuate violence against women and make it seem inevitable. We assert that violence will never be women’s fate. It needs to be opposed and eradicated.”

The work is not easy and the situations of women who come to Sara can be quite heavy. Tammo shares having experienced insomnia from some of the cases she’s heard about women being killed by their husbands. “I do not understand why someone has to die, even if there is evidence of cheating. Why can’t the two parties simply break up and leave each other? Why does anyone’s life have to be taken?” She says, “Men under no circumstances have the right to kill their wives. It is wrong and unfair, also for the children who are left without a parent.”

Sara’s work is not without opposition. Tammo shares that sometimes they get harassed by men:

“Some men have been angry with our work, perceiving us as working against their traditions, culture or tribal legal system which allows them to kill in the name of ‘honor’ with impunity. Therefore, we are sometimes worried. But these threats do not break our will. Despite the difficulties, challenges, and fears, we are taking this work on our shoulders. We take the risk for the sake of women and their freedom.”November 25, 2024

Download [1.14 MB]

On October 23 and 24, Turkey has attacked 30 confirmed locations throughout NES, carrying out airstrikes targeting electricity, oil, and other civilian infrastructure. Many locations were hit several times.

The air strikes targeted factories, two bakeries, a health center, and Asayish (Internal Security Forces) checkpoints. Oil stations such as Awda, Tafla, and Suwaydiyah, along with power stations in Kobane and Amude that supply and service the cities were also hit.

This repeated targeting of vital and service facilities precipitates a humanitarian disaster in an area that is home to millions of people, who are already suffering from severe fuel and gas shortages as a result of Turkey’s repeated targeting of infrastructure facilities in previous years.

Rojava Information Center is available to provide on-the-ground comment, plus photos and videos from airstrike sites and contact to political representatives and humanitarian personnel for comment.

October 25, 2024

Update October 26: Turkish Airstrikes Hit Over 50 Locations in NES

Download [1.38 MB]

• Turkey has attacked over 50 locations across NES since the night of October 23, with 8 confirmed attacks on October 26.
• The number of fatalities remains 14, while the number of injured civilians has risen to 33.
• The attacks continued to target civilian infrastructure including construction companies, an oil field, a dairy factory and an Asayish center.

Rojava Information Center is available to provide on-the-ground comment, plus photos and videos from airstrike sites and contact to political representatives and humanitarian personnel for comment.

October 27, 2024

The project, funded by Germany’s State Office for Development (LEZ) and implemented in collaboration with a town twinning partnership between Berlin’s Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg and North and East Syria’s Dêrik, aims to enhance access to clean water for approximately 5,000 residents.

Construction began in early June and the well is equipped with a photovoltaic system to power its water pump, demonstrating a commitment to renewable energy solutions. An engineer from the local water authority oversaw the project with support from Make Rojava Green Again (MRGA), a group which coordinated activities and ensured community engagement.

Initial delays were caused by heavy rainfall and logistical challenges in transferring funds to the region, exacerbated by limited access to financial services. However, with steadfast support from LEZ and proactive efforts by local partners, these obstacles were overcome, enabling the project’s successful completion.

The construction of the solar-powered water well in Dêrik contrasts sharply with ongoing challenges faced by the Kurdish-led autonomous region in Syria. According to documentation from the Rojava Information Centre (RIC), Turkey has systematically targeted electricity infrastructure through regular airstrikes. These attacks, coupled with existing embargoes, severely disrupt maintenance efforts and pose long-term obstacles to infrastructure development.

Such challenges highlight the importance of initiatives promoting self-sufficiency and renewable energy sources in Kurdish-led areas. Projects supported by international solidarity groups not only address immediate needs but also underscore resilience and sustainability in the face of adversity.

Municipal Elections Law

Law No. 5 of 2024

This legislation outlines the fundamental principles and procedures pertaining to municipal elections, encompassing the voting system, the procedures for electing the co-chairs of the municipality and members of the municipal council, and provisions related to the electorate, candidacy and election.

Section One – Objectives and the Electoral System

Article 1: Objectives

In accordance with the stipulations of this legislation, the following terms are defined:

1. Election: The voters exercise their right to elect the co-chairs and members of the municipal council.
2. Commission: The High Electoral Commission of the North and East of Syria Region.
3. Voter: Every individual who is a resident of the DAANES areas, as well as those who are either undocumented or stateless if they meet the legal and eligibility conditions, are eligible to vote in the elections.
4. Voter Register: The register that contains the names and data of voters and is prepared by the High Electoral Commission, or whomever its delegated to do so.
5. Electoral card: The card issued by the High Electoral Commission which contains the personal data of the voter, on the basis of which they cast their vote.
6. Ballot paper: The paper issued by the High Electoral Commission which includes the names of the candidates for the elections.
7. Candidate: Every citizen who is registered in the civil register of the DAANES and whose nomination has been officially accepted by the Commission.
8. Individual list: The list in which one individual has the right to run for elections.
9. Closed list: The list in which a voter cannot choose specific names within one list.
10.  Open list: The list that includes the names of all candidates and enables the voter to choose the candidate they want to elect.
11.  Polling center: The place designated by the Commission within the electoral district to conduct the secret and direct voting process.
12.  Provisional announcement: The list that includes the names of the candidates accepted by the High Electoral Commission.
13.  Final announcement: The list containing the names of the candidates finally accepted by the High Electoral Commission.

Article 2: Electoral system

The electoral process takes place in accordance with the rules of free, direct, equal, secret and inclusive voting and public counting and sorting.

Article 3: Electorate

Under this law, each city and town is considered an electoral district for the purpose of electing municipal co-chairs and municipal council members.

Article 4: Members for municipal councils

The number of municipal council members in cities and towns is determined by the most recent census, as follows:

1. 16 members in municipalities with a population of up to 10,000 people.
2. 20 members in municipalities whose population ranges from 10,001 to 20,000 people.
3. 26 members in municipalities whose population ranges from 20,001 to 50,000 people.
4. 30 members in municipalities whose population ranges from 50,001 to 100,000 people.
5. 36 members in municipalities whose population ranges from 100,001 to 250,000 people.
6. 40 members in municipalities whose population ranges from 250,001 to 500,000 people.
7. 46 members in municipalities with a population ranging from 500,001 to 1,000,000 people.
8. 50 members in municipalities with a population of more than 1,000,000 people.

Article 5: Accepting and announcing nomination applications

1. The Electoral Commission Committee of each canton determines the number of members for each municipal council in its canton, according to the rules mentioned in the previous article of this law. Each council also has reserve members numbered at half the number of council members.
2. The Canton Electoral Commission Committee announces the names of the candidates whose candidacy has been accepted for the municipality co-chair positions and municipal council membership positions, and sends the names to the Commission Committees in cities and towns, which in turn announce the names in due course.

Article 6:

The date of the municipal elections is determined and announced by the High Electoral Commission.

Article 7: Voter

Conditions to vote:

1. The person must be 18 years of age or older.
2. The person must be a resident of the DAANES area and must have been a legal resident for at least 5 years.. 
3. The person must have full legal capacity.
4. The person must have an electoral card in accordance with the provisions of this law.

Section Two – Nomination

Article 8:

1. Every citizen can run for the municipality co-chair positions or the municipal council membership positions, whether on a party list or independently, according to the following conditions:

a) The person must be 18 years of age or older.

b) The person must be a resident of the DAANES areas and must have been legally residing in the center of the electoral district in which they are running for a period of not less than five years.
c) The person must have full legal capacity.

2. Political parties shall inform the High Electoral Commission of the approved method for determining their candidates.
3. Each political party and political coalition may present two candidates for the co-chairs of the municipality. In the case that one or both of the names are rejected, the party and political coalition have the right to present alternative names.

Article 9:

The [local] Commission Committee receives the list of candidates, issues a stamped receipt and posts the list ten days before the start of the elections until 18:00 on the day of the election.

Article 10:

1. Those who wish to stand as independent candidates for the co-chairs of the municipality or for membership of the municipal council must submit their application for candidacy, accompanied by documents certifying the fulfillment of the conditions for candidacy in accordance with what is established by law, to the co-chairs of the Electoral Committee of the municipality to which they belong, which will forward them to the Canton Electoral Commission.
2. Electoral committees in cities and towns announce lists of candidates as temporary lists in the electorate to which they belong, in accordance with the usual procedures.
3. A political party and political coalition applying to run for each list shall pay an amount of two million Syrian pounds to the public treasury as a non-refundable fee.
4. An independent candidate applying for candidacy shall pay an amount of five hundred thousand Syrian pounds to the public treasury as a non-refundable fee.

Article 11: Objections to the candidates

1. Objections regarding candidates may be submitted to the Canton Electoral Commision Committee
2. The Commission takes specific procedures regarding appeals in accordance with the provisions of the High Electoral Commission Law.

Article 12: Scrutiny of nomination applications

1. If, as a result of reviewing the conditions and procedures for candidacy, the Canton Electoral Commission Committee finds that there is a deficiency or discrepancy in the candidacy conditions stipulated in this law, it must notify the concerned candidate and the political parties and political coalitions of this, and the candidate has the right to correct the deficiency until the last day of the nomination period and the closing of the nomination period.
2. If the nomination request is rejected, the candidate has the right to appeal the rejection decision in accordance with the Law of the High Electoral Commission.
3. Political parties and coalitions must appoint a representative to communicate, coordinate, report and submit appeals before the Commission Committee of the canton, city or town.

Article 13: Announcement of candidates

1. After the end of the nomination period and the decision on appeals, the Canton Electoral Commission Committee announces the names of all candidates on the twentieth day preceding voting day.
2. The withdrawal of a candidate shall not be considered after the announcement of the names of the candidates, except after the close of the elections, and his withdrawal shall become effective after the counting of the votes, and this procedure shall also apply in case of death.

Article 14: Nomination of municipal council members and co-chairs

Co-chairs of people’s councils and communes can run for the position of municipality co-chair position or the position of membership in the municipal councils, without resigning from their positions in order to run. Their duties are suspended until the elections are completed. If one of them wins, they resign from their former position to carry out their new duties. As for workers, they can return to their previous jobs after the end of their term.

Section Three – Election Procedures

Article 15:

1. A single ballot paper is used in elections for the positions of municipality co-chair and membership in the municipal councils, and may contain closed, open or individual lists that include the names of candidates for the elections.
2. Ballot papers are prepared according to the following specifications:
   • Ballot papers are printed on specially manufactured papers bearing the Electoral Commission’s watermark by the High Electoral Commission or the Canton Electoral Commission Committee with the permission and supervision of the High Electoral Commission.
   • The ballot paper is divided according to the number of existing lists into a number of columns of equal width and length, separated by a distance of 1 cm.
   • The phrase “political parties and political coalitions” will be written at the top of the ballot papers that will be used in the municipal elections, and in the event that there are independent candidates, the phrase “political parties, political coalitions and independent candidates” will be written. These must be written in the presence of representatives of the political parties participating in the elections.
   • The logo of each party is printed at the beginning of its column and the name of the party is printed in full under the logo.
   • Subsequently, a 2 cm-long line should be drawn beneath the name, commencing at the point of the line break.
   • A circle with a diameter of 2 cm should be drawn, with a line of the same length extending below it. Subsequently, the names of the party’s candidates should be inscribed.
   • Ballot papers, of a number that exceeds the number of voters assigned to that center by 1% as a reserve, shall be sent to each center, numbered and stamped by the High Electoral Commission or the Electoral Commission that printed the ballot papers, with an equal number of envelopes and a list of the names of the candidates for council members.

Article 16: Voting method

1. The voter enters the secret booth to cast their vote by a “yes” stamp which is given to them along with the ballot papers.
2. The voter casts their vote for the party or independent candidate by stamping the circle under the name of the party or independent candidate on the ballot paper.
3. The voter folds the ballot paper, places it in an envelope, seals it then puts it into the ballot box and returns the stamp to the head of the voting center.
4. The voter places their right index finger in the ink and makes a finger print next to their name in the voter register list.

Article 17:

Electoral Commission Committees in cantons, cities and towns collect election records of the voting centers and determine the number of voters in that electorate as follows:

1. The total number of voters, the number of voters who cast their votes and the total number of ballot papers, both those considered invalid and valid.
2. The number of ballot papers that were not counted and were considered invalid and were not counted.
3. The total number of valid ballot papers.
4. The number of valid ballot papers that show the number of valid votes obtained by each of the political parties and independent candidates participating in the elections and are placed in their respective records.

Section Four – Post-Voting Work

Article 18: Determining the winners for the positions of co-chairs of the municipality

1. The election record pertaining to the elections of the co-chairs is collected and is sent by the ballot box committees to the Canton Electoral Commision Committee.
2. The names of the two candidates which had the largest number of votes from the list of co-chairs will be announced as co-chairs of the municipality.

Article 19: Determining the winners of the positions of municipal council membership

1. Each list gets winning seats in proportion to the number of votes it obtained from the total number of voters in the electorate.
2. The winner of the position on the list is determined by the order of the names on the list.
3. In the event that seats are not filled with integer numbers from all lists, the largest remainder method is adopted for the remaining seats allocated to the electoral district.
4. In the event of a tie between two lists or two candidates, the co-chairs of the city election commission shall draw lots from among the tied candidates to determine the winner.
5. The reserve members of the municipal council should number around half of the number of elected council members, and shall be determined as reserve members of the municipal council according to the number of votes they receive.
6. The Electoral Commission Committees in cities and towns announce the names of the municipal co-chairs and municipal council members – along with the original and reserve winners, and a copy of the results in each city or town is sent to the canton to which it belongs for approval in accordance with the usual procedures. A copy of them is posted on the door of the Canton Electoral Commission Committee for a week.

Article 20: Cancellation of elections or dismissal of election record 

1. If the objection to one of the election records is related to the casting, counting, or sorting of votes between political parties and independent candidates, and it is decided to dismiss the election record as a result of the recounting and calculation, then a new record shall be drawn up in that regard and the new results reached by the Committee shall be approved.
2. If it is decided to cancel an election held in an electorate due to a violation of electoral procedures, new elections will be held in that electorate. The Canton Electoral Commision Committee announces the decision to cancel the elections and immediately announces that the elections will be held in that district after the decision becomes final within 30 days after this announcement.
3. In the event that the membership of one of the winners is to be canceled for any reason, the Commission shall determine the next eligible winner in the order of succession established by the last winner.

Section Five – Electoral Results, Filling Vacancies and Re-elections

Article 21: Announcing the election results

The High Electoral Commission announces the election results on the basis of documents sent to it by the Canton Electoral Commission Committees

Article 22: Filling vacancies in the municipal council

1. In the case of a vacant seat in the municipal council, the co-chairs of the municipality request the competent Electoral Commission Committee to confirm the name of the reserve member who will join the council within five days from the date of the vacancy.
2. The member will be invited within three days to begin their duties, and the reserve member will complete the remaining term of the initial member’s membership.
3. Vacancies are filled from the same party to which the initial member belongs.

Article 23: Filling vacancies in the co-chair positions

1. If the position of one of the two co-chairs of the municipality becomes vacant for any reason at least one year before the end of the municipal council’s term, the High Electoral Commission will be notified by the municipal council to hold general elections for the vacant position.
2. If the remaining period is less than a year, the municipal council shall meet upon an invitation from the co-chairs of the Canton Federation of Municipalities to elect a new co-chair from among the municipal council’s members, within a maximum period of one month from the date of the vacancy, and the local council shall be notified of this.

Article 24: Re-elections

Municipal elections will be re-run in the following cases:

1. Before the end of the election period, when a decision is made to cancel the election held in an electorate due to a violation of electoral procedures.
2. When the municipal council is dissolved by a decision of the city or town council.
3. Following the induction of the reservists, the number of council members falls to less than half of the total number of members.
4. When one of the cases in points 2 and 3 of this article takes place, the co-chairs of that council shall notify the Canton Electoral Commission Committee in the canton of the necessity of repeating the elections, then the Canton Electoral Commission Committee decides to hold new elections in accordance with the usual legal procedures.
5. If the period remaining until the end of the municipal council’s electoral cycle is less than six months, then the council will continue to perform its duties until the end of the electoral cycle.

Section Six – General Laws

Article 25: Freedom of campaigning 

1. Campaigning in municipal elections is free in accordance with the provisions of this law.
2. The period of time during which electoral advertisements may be broadcast begins 20 days before election day and ends at 18:00 on the day before voting day.
3. It is prohibited to carry out public campaigning by mouth on public roads, in places of worship, in buildings and facilities where public services are provided and in areas other than those designated by the Canton Electoral Commision Committee.
4. The Canton Electoral Commision Committee determines the squares in which oral campaigning can be carried out publicly, in a way that does not lead to disruption of traffic and shopping.
5. The Electoral Commission Committee in cities and towns determines the areas, days, hours and times for holding meetings and notifies the Internal Security Forces, based on the request of political parties and independent candidates to carry out oral campaigning publicly.
6. Closed meetings may be held in the name of political parties or independent candidates participating in the elections.

Article 26: Electoral offices

1. As of the date of the commencement of electoral campaigning, political parties and independent candidates participating in the elections are entitled to establish electoral offices within the electorate in which they are participating, provided that they notify the Commission of the address of their electoral office and the name of the individual responsible for it.
2. Buildings and facilities belonging to professional organizations, public institutions, associations, cooperative federations and unions cannot be used for this purpose.

Article 27: Announcing and advertising places

1. It is permissible for political parties and independent candidates to affix party flags, banners, posters, and similar materials to electoral offices from the commencement of the campaign period until its conclusion.
2. Political parties and independent candidates may, from the start of the campaigning period until its end, hold open and closed meetings. In the course of electoral campaigning, they have the right to use flags, banners, posters, and advertising materials, and to hold parties.
3. With the exception of the places mentioned above, campaigning advertisements and campaigning materials may not be hung or pasted except in places designated by the Electoral Commission’s committees in cities and towns, and anyone who violates will be subject to a fine of one million Syrian pounds.
4. In the period following the announcement of the election results, candidates are required to remove all materials related to electoral propaganda. This period may not exceed fifteen days. In the event of non-compliance, the Electoral Commission Committee, in coordination with the municipality, will remove the offending material at the expense of the candidates.

Article 28: Candidates’ agents

The names of the agents submitted by the independent candidates and the political entities shall be approved according to the following:

1. The Commission’s committees in cities and towns approve the names of agents at the ballot boxes.
2. The Commission’s committees in the cantons approve the names of agents in the cantons centers for counting, sorting, and preparing reports.

Article 29:

This law shall be effective from the date of its promulgation by the DAANES Democratic Peoples’ Council. 

07.04.2024

Original version in Arabic.

RIC spoke to Berivan Hussain and Ciwan Hassan, the co-chairs of the people’s municipality of Derik, regarding the partnership.

What is your work?

Berivan: For two years I have been working in the municipality. In the municipality we are very connected to society: we provide services and help people to meet their everyday needs. There are different departments in the municipality, such as finance, cleaning or services. There is also a water department, whose work it is to check the wells of the city and secure water for the people.

Recently, we established new committees: the relations committee is now tasked to meet with people and find solutions for their problems. We established this committee after we realized that there was a gap in our work. The services department is in communication with the different services departments of the communes and – according to the resources – provides help where needed.

In general, we put a lot of emphasis on working with people: the existence of the municipality is connected to the existence of the people living here. The better we work together, the more can be achieved.

Can you talk about the agreement of cooperation between Berlin Friedrichshain- Kreuzberg and Derik? How did the city partnership come about and what is its purpose?

Berivan: When we first established the system of municipalities in 2014, there were attempts to create friendships with foreign municipalities. We sent out several letters.

In 2018, we reached an agreement with the city partnership association in Berlin Friedrichshain- Kreuzberg. Together, we have worked on the partnership. A committee from here, including the previous co-chairs of the municipality, visited them in Berlin. (Editor’s note: this delegation attended the official recognition of the partnership at Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg town hall in 2019) To prepare the city partnership a delegation from there visited us here: they visited our city, our regions, and saw the current situation of the region. We observed that the understanding of the people of Berlin regarding us have changed after this agreement. As a region, we face a constant misrepresentation in the media. But through these efforts and the files we sent to them, people’s understandings have changed.

Are there joint projects between the two of you?

Berivan: Some joint projects have been done. For example, in the beginning, communes were wanting to develop tree planting. Beans were distributed to communes. Some gardening things were done. We also started working on the Korneesh project together, which is a road from the hospital to the Azadi Square. So far, the project’s structure has been completed, including a plan to plant trees along the road.

Besides these projects, we joined forces to repair buildings that were damaged during the earthquake [6th of February, 2023]. A year ago, the earthquake damaged several locations. In our region for example, the sanitation was damaged and there were several damages in Qamishlo. Therefore, €10,000 was donated, in order to fix the sanitation system. This project helped the local people. It had a very big effect, especially considering that diseases can spread fast through bad sanitation systems, directly affecting the quality of life. Through donations from our city partnership we managed to fix the sanitation system. In November 2022, Turkish aerial attacks took place. Our city partners helped us out by collecting donations in order to fix the generators that operate the water wells. Through these donations a huge burden was taken off our shoulders, as the resources in our region – in NES generally and in Derik particularly – are limited. Through the €4,000 that was donated we managed to fix some of our generators.

Depending on the situation, we try to hold a meeting every few months together. According to both of our capacities we discuss which projects to work on together. In the last meeting another donation of €7,000 was announced. €6,000 was spent on buying two water pumps. While we received this money, Turkiye escalated its war on NES again [in October 2023]. (Editor’s note: the remaining €1000 was spent on renewing the town twinning signs at the entrances to Derik).

Currently, we are planning another project to slowly build up our solar energy capacities. We are hoping to start this project in May; approval from the German parliament (Editor’s note: after further research, the authorization comes from the German State Agency for Development Cooperation of Berlin (LEZ), not the parliament) and the Berlin Friedrichshain- Kreuzberg municipality are pending. The discussions and studies have been completed for this project. For some time now, the people of Derik have struggled to secure their water. The city center is lower than the outskirts of the city, thus the operating wells cannot reach all neighbourhoods. A year ago, a well was dug and is currently operated by generators. The generators are very bad for the environment, therefore the solar energy will be used to serve the people. The project was planned and prepared by engineers and experts. Besides these projects, we send regular updates on the local situation over. As you can see, we have done some great work and we are hoping to expand these efforts in the future: build up more city partnerships, for example between Qamishlo and Berlin. Furthermore, we want to develop more projects in the community sector. Examples could be to build up partnerships between sport teams or unions. For us, it is important to focus on connecting the people of both places, rather than solely the administrations.

What efforts are being made to share things about your system here to people in Berlin? 

Berivan: Some efforts are being made: we are hoping to send a local delegation to Berlin for example. Just like our partners from Berlin Friedrichshain- Kreuzberg visited us in Derik, we would like to visit them, explain our systems. During the visit from Berlin, people were surprised and impressed with our governance system. We built this system despite the constant attacks, like the destruction of civilian infrastructure. These attacks can be considered war crimes, as they go against international agreements not to attack civilian structures. Despite these attacks, the people here resist and they believe in our institutions. Many people are surprised at the people’s will to defend their home and rebuild their cities after every attack, but the people here have a very strong connection to their land.

What difficulties do you face?

Berivan: Besides financial difficulties, the regular attacks make daily work very hard. For example, we plan a project and all of a sudden, attacks start and our focus is forced to shift.

We also face financial problems: our budget is not enough to realize all projects. This shortage is partly influenced by the ongoing war. Moreover, many experts and more generally people who could bring great ideas and opinions, lack the enthusiasm to join our work. That said, we try our best to serve our people.

We are very grateful for the city partnership with Berlin Friedrichshain- Kreuzberg. We see their enthusiasm for this work, which in turn motivates us to do our work the best to our abilities. This is how we work in this region, and we are hoping to be an example for the whole world.

What is the importance of the partnership to you?

Ciwan: I have been the co-chair of the municipality for almost one year. The partnership with Berlin Friedrichshain- Kreuzberg is very important for us, as people from Derik. As people from NES, these partnerships and relationships give us a lot of morale and hope. Despite the war, which continuously destroys the facilities and services that people here need to survive, such agreements give us a lot of strength and fuel our resistance.

Regarding our city partnership work – we have not yet established a high-level cooperation, but we are coordinating and meetings are being held regularly. And they follow our local situation closely, we keep them informed about our projects and we discuss our upcoming projects together. We are very grateful for the projects they helped us to achieve, we really see their constant energy to help and support. And through their donations we could realize projects that helped the local people immensely, such as the sanitation project and the new water pumps.

As their support continues, our strength and morale increases.

What does your communication in times of attack look like?

Ciwan: We have an online chat, so that we can reach each other faster. Whenever something major happens, our partners get in touch with us. For us, this is important, as it shows their concern and connection to us. We see that they believe in what we are building up and that we are on their mind. All of this contributes to us evaluating our partnership as successful.

In regards to our system, I would like to share that we go to great lengths to implement our system under these difficult circumstances. With our limited resources, we have been able to form a community with diverse backgrounds and languages. The municipality takes a major role in our system, the system of democratic nations, and of the DAANES. With this system we try to serve society as best as possible.

Of course we face difficulties, mainly in the security aspect, but also due to low resources. Yet, we try our best. The quality of our work has been evaluated positively by our community. Our work is not an easy one, here in the municipality. The people who work here know this well; we carry a lot of responsibility. Despite the low resources, our determination and will to realize our projects makes a real difference. This is the main reason why I am participating in this work.

Some people are dissatisfied with our low resources, and it is our duty to explain to them the situation, which difficulties we face and what we can do. Similar to a war where people are resisting, it is important that we also resist. It is our work to meet the people’s needs, such as electricity and water – providing people’s everyday needs. Long-term projects are more difficult to implement so far, our main work is to meet people’s every-day needs.

This partnership gives strength not just to us in Derik, but to everyone in NES. We are very happy with the outcomes that have been achieved so far, and with the genuine friendship we are building up. We are open to forming more relationships like this. And so would other cities – for example in Qamishlo and Kobane there are attempts to build up similar partnerships. I am convinced that through these relationships with people’s municipalities, we take a step towards the freedom we are seeking and that this freedom will be fought for by the people, for the people.

Will there be any changes to your organizational system of the municipality with the new social contract? 

Ciwan: The new social contract will empower the councils and institutions. Our philosophy, the basis of the Autonomous Administration, is advanced and open and we consider it as a possible solution to the many problems in this world. Yet, on the practical level, we need to evaluate how much we can achieve, how much has been achieved and how many attempts we have had.

A lot of work has gone into the rewriting of the social contract. It was passed through all the blocks of the community, from the communes to all institutions. The opinions of all groups of society and all institutions were taken into account. On this basis, the contract is for the people, and through it, great steps will and have been taken. Its implementation will remove several difficulties for our work as well. We hope that through its implementation, we will not only change our way of working but the mentality of the people.

I would like to add one last thing. We are immensely appreciative for any support for NES and the Autonomous Administration. I want to finish by saying that we will fight for the formal recognition of the Autonomous Administration.

More Information can be found here.

Turkey has established a systematic practice of targeting NES’ power infrastructure in period airstrike campaigns, usually lasting several days. Amongst Turkey’s key targets is the Suwaydiyah gas and electricity station. This vital station is NES’ only domestic gas bottling plant and a key source of electricity for vital services such as hospitals, mills, bakeries and oil extraction facilities.

On January 14th, Turkey yet again struck Suwaydiyah, having already damaged the station just three months prior with airstrikes. On January 18th, RIC went to Suwaydiyah to photograph the damage. The photographic evidence in this report attest to the severity of the destruction inflicted on this station, which is a crucial humanitarian lifeline for North and East Syria’s population due to the services it provides. The DAANES does not have the economic and logistical capacity to fully restore all infrastructure. What restoration investments it can make are overshadowed by the threat of future repeat Turkish airstrikes.

Download the report [57.57 MB]

Turkish drone strikes targeted the Sweidiya gas plant in the countryside of the city of Derik, far-northeastern Syria, several times over the past few days. The most heavy attack was yesterday, Monday [15 January, 2024].

Suleiman added that on Monday at 10:15 PM, Turkish drones targeted the Sweidiya gas plant, the only one in northeastern Syria.

He noted that the Turkish strikes directly targeted five electrical turbines, destroying them completely. In addition, seven gas turbines and power converters have also been targeted.

Suleiman explained that the facility is now out of service and completely destroyed, adding that it cannot be rehabilitated in any way. He pointed out that this plant is crucial for the region as it provides electricity to vital service facilities such as water wells, hospitals, mills, and other service institutions.

Agid Abdulmajid, the director of the Sweidiya gas plant, said that the attack has damaged the majority of the devices, in addition to hitting the spherical gas tanks. The firefighting teams were unable to control the fire until the tanks ran out of gas.

He explained that the production of gas and electricity has completely stopped, and the process of repair and reconstruction is very difficult, requiring significant resources in terms of workshops and necessary materials. They need a long time, extending for months, to carry out the repair and rehabilitation. 

Abdulmajid also pointed out that the initial cost of repairing the plant is estimated at $1 billion.

On Christmas day, Turkish airstrikes hit 18 locations, including factories producing construction materials, agricultural products and foods, grain silos, a mill, industrial sites, a dialysis center, a printing house and a petrol station.

Rojava Information Center is available to provide on-the-ground comment, plus photos and videos from airstrike sites and contact to political representatives and humanitarian personnel for comment.

See below for the full updated report.

Download the full report [4.82 MB]

Since 2019, many of the people that were displaced from the city of Sere Kaniye and its surrounding areas during the Turkish invasion have lived here. According to Berzan Abdullah, “in the beginning, the Autonomous Administration of North-East Syria [AANES] established this camp, and for a time humanitarian organizations did not interfere or offer any help. There were very tough times and hard conditions for the people here.” Even though there are at the moment around 9 to 10 NGOs operating in the camp, Abdullah tells RIC that the humanitarian situation in the camp is not ideal, and when “people have needs and when they ask for anything, they [the NGOs] say they can’t afford it, or they don’t have money.”

Between the 5th and the 10th of October 2023, Turkey escalated its attacks on NES, carrying out an intense aerial bombardment campaign that primarily targeted civilian infrastructure. Near the beginning of this campaign, the vicinity of Washokani camp itself was a target for Turkey’s airstrikes. When asked about these recent attacks, Berzan Abdullah replies that “near Washokani camp they [Turkey] struck four times with drones and warplanes. As a result, the residents of the camp on the western side had no choice but to leave their tents. There was fear in their hearts. To be honest, we would not be surprised if Turkey targeted inside the camp, because we expect anything from Turkey now.” During the 6 days of escalated aggression from Turkey, 48 people were killed and many more were injured. Berzan Abdullah emphasizes that Turkey is targeting civilian sites, giving the example of the attacks near the camp, telling RIC that “the places they targeted here are poultry sheds and they belong to civilians… when you leave you can see them with your own eyes… there is not military position anywhere here.” Many of the families that reside in the camp are IDPs from Turkey’s 2019 invasion, and the recent attacks awakened old fears and traumas, says Abdullah, creating a negative psychological impact on the people. He explains that “they [the people from the camp] are very anxious, whenever they hear a sound, they fear it is the sound of a warplane, and that it will attack us. The situation is that Turkey adheres to no rules or treaty, we don’t know when they will attack again, we don’t know when they will launch another act of aggression.”

The camp administration also brings up that since the Turkish occupation of the regions of Sere Kaniye and Tel Abyad (the ‘M4 Strip’) and Afrin, a notable demographic change has been witnessed in those territories. “Turkey settled families from Homs, Deir ez-Zor, Idlib, Daraa, and even from Damascus in Sere Kaniye and Gire Spi [Tel Abyad]. […] Sere Kaniye and Gire Spi [Tel Abyad] particularly have become a hotbed for the leaders and Emirs of ISIS who fled from al-Baghoz when it was liberated.” Abdullah says that the ‘M4 Strip’ locals, particularly Kurds, who now live in the camp, “were replaced, and families from other parts of Syria took their place. Even families from Iraq were settled and housed in Afrin, Sere Kaniye and Gire Spi. There is a huge, concerted effort to create demographic change right now. The houses of the people who are living here in the [IDP] camps are occupied by people from different regions of Syria and Iraq.  The leaders of these groups who control the area are emirs from ISIS. This is well documented with pictures and reports, the US and Global Coalition know these facts well.”

With the displacement of thousands of people to camps that are full well over their capacity, RIC asks the camp administration about the organization of the camp. “There are 17,000 people residing here. This camp follows the system of the AANES: there are communes, committees, councils, and courts and everything is organized here. There are 5 communes here – each one consists of 400-500 families – and 8 committees such as health, security, services and so on. All the people take part in them. When people need something such as documents, they head to the commune, as it is the essential pillar of the community. The camp follows a communal system, the same as cities. There is no [administrative] difference between us and the cities, but the people here are displaced, and they live in tents, and the people of cities live in houses. In terms of regulations, we use the same system of the AANES, we have the same centers. We have 3 centers specifically for women. We have also a center for protecting children.”

The needs and difficulties of life in the camp are multiple, and according to Abdullah, “the people who suffer most are children and women, living with a shortage of medicines.” Souria tells that “they [Turkey] cut off the water supplies to us, even though it is our water. There are some tents where around 15 people live in. AANES helped us as much as they can and we don’t blame them at all. They are struggling a lot to keep ISIS in prison and to fight against them, at same time that Turkey is attacking.” Abdullah stresses that difficulties in the camp are not always overcome with the help of NGOs and other organizations. “Only the Kurdish Red Crescent helps but it is not enough. On the topic of education, no one helps the AANES, for example, UNICEF should work together with the AANES in educating the children in the camp because there is a massive need for the school supplies, especially since these people are very poor and this is a significant reason that students drop out from school and don’t get educated. Honestly, the AANES has given a lot of effort and is doing what it can to help the people here. For example, it established 3 schools. We, as the administration, will do everything we can do to help these people, especially women and children and for them, we will not hesitate to offer help.”

The people that live in this camp still maintain a strong culture very much connected with the land and region that they are displaced from, emphasizes Abdullah. “We are from a class of workers: we love our soil and homes, and we will not leave this land. We could go to Europe, but we will not. For the people of Sere Kaniye, we will not forget our lands and we will be attached to them forever. Especially given that our camp is only 40km from Sere Kaniye. This camp is evidence that we will not give our lands up. 40-50 thousand people are now living here in camps. There are 250-300 thousand displaced people from all the cities, villages, and everywhere [of the Turkish-occupied M-4 Strip] who think about nothing but returning. Sere Kaniye will not be forgotten; we will not forget Sere Kaniye. We want to return there, this is what we want, this is our demand, and we call for all humanitarian organizations and the UN, and all concerned countries, to return to us our city.”

Regarding the recent bombings from Turkey, Souria tells RIC: “That day the airstrikes were right next to us. We are calling on the international court to say something about this escalation. […] What does he [Erdogan] want? All these people are not terrorists. […] Erdogan attacks these people with war planes. What does he want from the people? We are poor people, we did not harm anyone. We do not want anything we just want our land. We are the Kurdish people; we have our own language and culture; we also have rights in this land and for that we are asking to respect them. We have given our children for this. Today I have 45 martyrs from my family and tribe.”

Berzan Abdullah, also commenting about the recent attacks, adds: “The attacks that have been carried out with the aim to kill the will of the people and destroy our region have been done so based on the flimsy pretext of the events in Ankara and Istanbul [the latter in reference to Turkey’s November 2022 series of airstrikes, that closely resembled the more recent attack wave]. What does the Turkish State want from us? From these civilians? What would be our problem with the Turkish national security? What would we have against Turkey to attack it? We are in our lands and have nothing to do with Turkey. We do not have any problem with the Turkish people, they are our brothers, we have been living together thousands of years. But Turkey as a regime… they attack us and see us as the enemy. But the people of Turkey are not our enemies. More than 30 million Kurds live there [in Turkey], they have married each other, work together, eat together, we are not their enemy. But the state antagonizes us, the state is the responsible for killing Kurds. They target the livelihoods of people, aiming to break the people’s will, displace them, and empty Rojava.”

Abdullah ends the interview with an appeal for the end of the attacks: “We are people who always want our country to be the best, and don’t want our neighbours to have problems and we hope for the best for them as well. But unfortunately, we are surrounded by countries who see the Kurds as their enemies. We want our voice to be heard in the UN and humanitarian organizations, and that there will be no more killing Kurds. Why do they attack us, what did we do to them? We did not attack anyone’s country.  Everything is very clear; all the people see what is happening and they should take action. We don’t have [warplane] missiles nor drones, and when a NATO state attacks us, unfortunately, NATO helps them. Thousands of civilians, including elders, women, and kids have been martyred due to the attacks of the warplanes and drones which on a daily basis conduct air strikes on the regions.”

According to the Rojava Information Center, the region has only one ventilator per 100,000 people, and can handle a maximum of 460 cases before its health system is overrun. While the WHO has supplied test kits to the Syrian government, none of the kits have been given to authorities in the northeast. PCR test machines have recently been supplied by the Kurdistan Regional Government — the region’s only existing PCR machines were destroyed in Turkish attacks on the main hospital in Sere Kaniye.

Strict preventative measures have been in place for weeks to stave off the threat of an outbreak. A lockdown went into force on March 23rd, and has generally been adhered to — and enforced. Border crossings are closed, with exemptions for some humanitarian aid. All individuals entering the region, including travellers from government-held Syria flying into the Qamishlo airport, have been subject to quarantine.

In combating these challenges with little international support, the region has turned to the political and economic structures that have allowed it to survive under harsh conditions throughout nearly a decade of civil war in Syria. Local media has reported in great detail on the ways in which these institutions are being repurposed to meet new needs and adapt to unprecedented challenges.

Co-operatives

Co-operatives form a significant part of North and East Syria’s economy. Material conditions in the region — which for most of its existence has been surrounded by hostile actors — required economic self-sufficiency. The ideological principles upon which the revolution is based also rejected the neoliberal economic order and the poverty and dependency on foreign aid and outside support that it has created in the Middle East.

Several textile co-operatives, including women’s co-operatives run by Kongra Star, have transitioned from producing everything from school uniforms to traditional clothing to making protective masks. Among these are the Amargî Workshop in Kobane, one of the longest-running women’s co-operatives in the region. Established in 2011, the co-operative employed 17 women in 2017. 10 workers in the co-operative have produced about 100 masks in the past two days.

“After the spread of coronavirus around the world, we began to make masks as part of a campaign to stop this pandemic,” Rewsen Hacim, a member of Kongra Star in Euphrates region, told ANHA. Hacim noted that masks were being made for members of the Autonomous Administration as well as for everyday citizens — to whom they would be distributed for free through neighborhood communes.

In Manbij, the Şehîd Sakîne Eseliye Workshop, another women’s co-operative, is making masks for members of local security forces — who must be outside despite the pandemic.

In Hasakeh, the Qessipyan Workshop has produced over 20,000 masks in recent weeks — about half of which have also been distributed to security forces responsible for maintaining the lockdown, and about 5,000 of which have been given to pharmacies.

Preparations are ongoing to increase production. New workshops have already been established, with Heyva Sor overseeing the production of thousands of masks to be distributed to civilians at a new workshop in Shahba region.

Another textile co-operative, the Lavin Workshop in Hasakeh, is now producing medical scrubs to provide to healthcare workers free of charge. Their goal is to produce 500 per day, though a worker noted that they worried about the availability of fabric.

Agricultural co-operatives have also remained active. These provide necessary food, lessening reliance on imports. Northern Syria was the country’s breadbasket prior to the civil war — though centralised governance meant that its people were not able to benefit equitably. The creation of agricultural co-operatives has democratised some of these resources. In total, co-operatives make up an estimated 7% of the economy of Jazira region — with women’s co-operatives contributing to nearly half of that figure.

These reports suggest that the existence of a co-operative system with institutional support has helped with pandemic preparation in two main ways. First, the presence of existing facilities, materials, and workers has clearly enabled North and East Syria to produce more goods faster than equivalent goods could be imported — and to do so without the need for dangerous international travel.

Second, co-operatives are more attuned to the needs of the communities their members live in, and thus more likely to make decisions based on need than profit. Their relationships with other Autonomous Administration institutions also makes society-wide coordination possible — in one example, a textile co-operative run by the Women’s Office of the Peoples’ Municipality in Derik had made about 500 masks in the first week of April alone.

Communes

The neighborhood commune is the smallest level of political organisation in North and East Syria. The members of each commune are all individuals above the age of sixteen in a given community, with a male and female co-chair serving as leaders. Each commune is divided into several committees with different responsibilities.

Recently, the communes have become essential for ensuring that the lockdown can be maintained without undue stress on everyday people. One ANHA report described how the process of food distribution implemented by the Autonomous Administration relies on the local knowledge and small scale of these structures. Communes are responsible for registering lists of names of those who need food assistance — primarily the poor and unemployed. The Social Affairs Commission then supplies food items, which are distributed by the communes.

This process is underway even in areas that lack basic resources without the threat of a pandemic — such as Shehba region, where tens of thousands of IDPs from Efrîn have lived since 2018. Shehba is regularly bombed by Turkey and its affiliated militias. Many of the IDPs who fled there took shelter in abandoned buildings that were damaged in the fight against ISIS, with several families often sheltering together in the same destroyed structures. Access to water and electricity is often intermittent, and has recently been threatened by Turkish attacks.

Despite this, the region’s communes are working with the local Social Affairs Commission to distribute food aid. In Fafin district, for example, food was distributed to about 2,000 families, with commune members going from family to family to distribute aid in order to prevent large groups from congregating. About half of these families are displaced Efrîn residents.

In Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh, SDF-held neighborhoods in Aleppo, local communes have followed the same system. Recently, the Co-Chair of the General Council of Sheikh Maqsoud stated that 5,000 packages of soap and cleaning supplies had been distributed to families whose primary breadwinners were out of work due to the lockdown.

Like co-operatives, communes allow relief efforts to be both centrally coordinated and based on community needs. Commune members do not need to travel beyond their neighbourhoods to distribute aid, lessening the number of people travelling from city to city. Reliable, organised distribution also lessens the likelihood that large groups of people will gather in shops out of fear that they may not get the items they need.

These institutions are not working alone. International support to provide medical aid and technology that the region cannot currently produce by itself is necessary. Private charity is also beneficial, with local media reporting that professional associations, civil society organisations, and well-off individuals have all contributed to relief efforts. Even so, democratic confederalist structures with strong popular support have undoubtedly played a key role in helping North and East Syria implement preventative measures.