Qamishlo – Amid security tensions and complex humanitarian crises affecting the regions of North and East Syria, the Women’s House in the city of Qamishlo continues to carry out its community and rights-based role with dedication and determination.

The role of the Women’s House is not limited to providing direct support; it also includes protecting women and children, empowering them legally and socially, and promoting a culture of awareness regarding women’s rights within society.

Bahia Murad, an administrator at the Women’s House in Qamishlo, stated that the institution has not stopped for a single moment from providing support and assistance to women and the local community, despite the exceptional and complex conditions the region has been experiencing for nearly a month.

“The Women’s House, in cooperation with other women’s institutions, has worked to provide comprehensive protection for girls and women exposed to violence and threats, in addition to offering psychological, social, and legal support to mothers and children, while ensuring the continuity of economic and legal rights, so that women remain at the forefront of protection and community development,” she said.

She explained that the Women’s House closely monitored the situation of forcibly displaced people who arrived in the area and provided them with comprehensive support safely and efficiently. The House’s efforts included providing shelter in displacement centers, schools, and mosques, in addition to meeting basic needs such as bedding, blankets, and household supplies, in cooperation with local humanitarian organizations.

She confirmed that work teams are distributed across all areas to ensure that support reaches everyone in need, with close follow-up on each case to ensure that no woman or girl is subjected to violence or marginalization, while providing full care and continuous follow-up for all beneficiaries.

“The work of the Women’s House is not limited to material support; it also includes legal and community protection. The House follows up on child alimony cases, provides legal consultations to mothers who do not have a stable income, and cooperates with security authorities to ensure the safety of women and girls.”

The Women’s House also communicates with women through local and international hotlines to ensure the provision of consultations and immediate assistance in emergency cases, achieving sustainable protection and preventing any violation of women’s rights.

Intensive Awareness Sessions

Bahia Murad addressed the significant awareness-raising role played by the institution, noting that the Women’s House organizes intensive awareness sessions for women about their legal and social rights, and informs them about available services and resources, including complaint mechanisms and ways to protect themselves and their children.

“These initiatives come within a comprehensive plan to enhance women’s independence and empower them to fully exercise their role in society, whether economically or socially, ensuring their effective participation in all fields,” she said.

She explained that the Women’s House works in an integrated manner with other women’s institutions, such as Kongra Star and the Women’s Authority, to preserve the achievements of the Rojava Revolution.

“Women’s participation in leadership and administrative positions according to the principle of partnership and equality (50–50) ensures the continuity and protection of these achievements, and reflects society’s commitment to the importance of women’s participation in decision-making and building a balanced and inclusive community.”

Bahia Murad clarified that the most prominent challenges facing women in the region are related to protection from violence, economic pressures, and the rising cost of living. She pointed out that women represent the beating heart of society and a fundamental pillar in building the local economy and maintaining family and social cohesion.

“The role of women in society is not a choice, but a necessity to ensure stability and progress. Women deserve all support and recognition for their vital role in all fields,” she said.

In conclusion, Bahia Murad stressed the importance of continuing cooperation between women’s institutions and civil and security bodies to ensure comprehensive support for women, protect their rights, and empower them to carry out their social and economic roles with full freedom and dignity.

“The Women’s House will remain at the forefront of institutions defending women’s rights and a key reference for every woman seeking protection, support, and equality in North and East Syria, with a commitment to humanitarian principles and revolutionary values that have made women the axis of change and a progressive society.

My name is Hevrin, from Derik, a city in Rojava. I studied and lived there, but now my work is in Qamishlo. I studied civil engineering in Aleppo for five years and I completed my education in 2009. After working for the government for one year, the revolution started. This was in 2011.

My family deserves the credit for my participation in the Rojava revolution; they are patriotic and have been organized for years. They always took me to meetings and social events. In other words, I have never been far away from political organizing and have always had strong roots in our society.

This may be the case everywhere in the Middle East, but especially in Rojava there still exists a strong unity and solidarity among our people. Living together, or what we call ‘communal living’ is still alive and common today. I am also part of this communal society.

These were Hevrin Khalaf’s words in the spring of 2018 when I met her. On October 12, 2019, three days after Turkey launched its military offensive into northern Syria, she was brutally murdered. According to reports by the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, she was dragged out of her car and shot in cold blood on the road. Her autopsy reveals she was shot, beaten with heavy objects and dragged by her hair until the skin on her scalp came off.

I do not know how many times I have listened to our interview recordings since I heard the horrible news of Hevrin’s death. She describes Rojava and her struggle with such pride. I wanted to hear these honorable words, because they also explain many of the reasons for the war against Rojava and Kurds. This interview is an attempt to bring justice to the brave work that Hevrin Khalaf did for her people and for the people of Rojava.

I met Hevrin Khalaf (Hevrîn Xelef, in Kurdish) in the spring of 2018 when she was the co-chair of the Ministry of Economy of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, better known as Rojava. The day before, she had lost her comrade Gerdo, with whom she had struggled together for many years; she was returning from Gerdo’s house in Tirbespîyê , and I remember when she called me to say that she was sorry for being late and that she was on her way.

A lifelong struggle

While I waited for Hevrin in the garden of the Ministry of Economy, sitting in the shadow of a tree, I chatted and smoked with the woman responsible for the Asayişa JIN, the women security forces in Rojava. She looked so strong and autonomous that when I saw the ring on her finger, I must admit I was a little surprised and asked her if she was married; “I’m married, but my husband works for the community security forces in another part of Rojava,” she said. A little embarrassed, she laughingly confessed: “We forgot that we were married once the revolution happened.”

Women in Rojava have always sought to transform the revolution, which everyone knows as a women’s revolution, into a social revolution. Hevrin struggled for this all her life and was murdered while fighting for it.

I had already heard about the beauty and dignity of Hevrin, and indeed, when she arrived, her swollen eyes and sadness from crying for Gerdo could not hide her beauty, nor did her fatigue obstruct her hospitality; while greeting me, she immediately inquired if I was hungry and if I had something to eat.

During my stay in Rojava, I had no relations with money; every day I ate and drank tea in the communal kitchens of one of the many local institutions or civilian houses along the way. There, it was evident that money does not dominate all social relations. Sometimes the people in Rojava were making fun of me; joking that if I had come during the time of war and embargo, they would have only given me soup.

A society built around communes and assemblies

Along with the revolution, a social economy had been organized in Rojava. At the time of our meeting, Hevrin was a spokesperson and co-chair of the Ministry of Economy for over two years.

There are three important pillars for organizing a social economy. The first one is the economy for social needs, which unlike in a capitalist economy, is not focused on maximizing profit. The second pillar is ecology and the ecologically responsible production of society’s needs. The third pillar is the creation and control of a fair market. These three pillars are very important for the social economy, and we want to make these a reality.

Rojava is not only the territory where a revolution is taking place, it is also a territory where the idea of a revolution is being redefined. Rojava is the place where a social revolution is taking place; where the notion of the “classical revolution” — based on the idea of transforming society through the seizure of power — is rejected.

The Kurdish movement of Rojava refuses to take power; instead, it mobilizes in an organizational modality that forms a network of assemblies that allows the people to become the subjects of their decision-making processes, offering the principle of self-determination for autonomy. That is, the Kurds are rejecting the basic component of a state: its power to make and implement decisions from the top down.

In other words, unlike other parts of Syria, the Kurds are not just another armed faction, but a militant popular movement that promotes horizontal self-determination and autonomy by and for the people of northern Syria. As Hevrin explained:

We should understand the main difference between the revolution in the rest of Syria and the revolution in Rojava. Let me give you an example, last night there was a public gathering. There was a teacher from Deraa. You probably know the significance of Deraa as the spark that lit the fire of the Syrian revolution back in 2011.

However, it could not go further.

Yesterday he told us that in Deraa, after the city was liberated from the regime seven years ago, nothing else was done; no organization, no service, no administration. Only a group of soldiers arrived to rule. That means whoever has guns can has power there. Our most important difference is this.

The first thing that was done in Rojava, and later in the broader region of northern and eastern Syria after it was liberated from ISIS, was the establishment of regional cantonal assemblies in agreement with the people living there, as the subjects of their own decisions. The sanctioning of, or participation in these assemblies by armed forces, was banned by the social contract of Rojava and northern Syria.

The purpose of the popular assembly-based system in Rojava is to organize an anti-capitalist and autonomous model for a stateless, anti-patriarchal and ecological society. Democratic autonomy, which is organized around the commune, is not a political party organization or government, although it recognizes political parties. Communes and popular assemblies, which are the main bodies of societal organization, constitute a self-government.

The spirit of a democratic nation

Unlike ethnic and religious conflicts that have transformed the Middle East into a war zone, democratic autonomy is guaranteed by the communes for all institutions of autonomous government on the basis of a “democratic nation”.

It was evident from the tone of her voice that Hevrin had captured the spirit of the democratic nation, just like her Assyrian comrade Gerdo:

Ever since the movement began organizing itself, they [militants of the Kurdish movement] have been explaining the solution [democratic autonomy] with Öcalan’s prison writings. In his work, there is a solution for the entire Middle East and Rojava. So, the political solution is already there, we just need to implement it.

This is why, when overthrowing a system, that you need to replace what was previously there with an alternative vision. If you don’t have an alternative, what you’ve destroyed might turn into something worse.

In other words, when the revolution started and the state left with all of its institutions — it remained only in a few places — if we didn’t have our alternative system and if our people were not ready, it would have been impossible for us to achieve a real liberation by simply establishing institutions.

In order to build this alternative system, we started with Mala Gel [People’s Houses] and Mala JIN [Women’s Houses]. All the institutions of society were created separately. If our society is recognized, it is best known for the women’s organizations. So, when people talk about the revolution in Rojava, they call it the Şoreşa JIN [Women’s Revolution]. The women started by building the Women’s Houses whose aim was to organize the women’s movement.

They were formed to create the common mind of women and to emancipate them from the dark and deprived situations in which they often find themselves, and have them become the leaders of this social revolution. Because we know that when a woman becomes a leader, society becomes a leader with her and transforms itself. The freedom of women and society are interdependent.

When I joined the revolution, my first place was in the Nurî Dersîm academy, where the political formation of society took place. I worked there for a time. At that time, the autonomous government had been declared, but prior to that my comrades suggested that I should take part in it. After the declaration of the autonomous government, I became the co-chair of the Ministry of Energy.

We worked with mamoste Gerdo, whom we lost yesterday, for three months. We worked with heval Gerdo since day one of the autonomous government. Many times he would say: we started the struggle together, and we will finish it together. He was our Assyrian friend and a very good person. He was a very good person in terms of human morality.

When we would talk about the terms of the democratic nation, I always said to him: you were our first friend who understood the democratic nation even though it wasn’t an explicit part of our political program yet. Because he understood and realized this; it was part of his nature.

He came from the city of Tirbespîyê and in this city people were living together in peace, so I was observing his nature in his relationships with Arabs and Kurds, Muslims and Assyrians. He repeated many times: ‘Serok [honorary title of Abdullah Öcalan] made us aware of it, and so we are very comfortable with it. We didn’t know that as Assyrians we had such rights; we had forgotten about it, but now we know our cultural and political rights, thanks to his prison writings.’

Gerdo always said that we must defend the project of democratic autonomy. He did so very quietly, but we worked with the spirit of a democratic nation for more than four years together. He really had the spirit of the democratic nation.

If there is one good thing about this autonomous government, it is the unity of the people. An Assyrian works with the Kurds, a Kurd with the Arabs. This wasn’t something that could have been achieved easily. This alone is a revolution.

Transforming gender relations

Hevrin had learned from her mother to be strong and revolutionary. As such, she joined the resistance as soon as the revolution began and held various positions. When she was discussing the social economy with me, she said that she would no longer be involved in the economic dimension of the movement.

After the liberation of regions like Raqqa and Deir Ezzor, she was offered to be co-president of the Syrian Future Party (SFP), which aims to establish a social consensus for peace and to eliminate the hostility that was historically generated by the Ba’ath regime between Kurds and Arabs. She brought this up casually and I could tell that she did not want to quit her job organizing the social economy of Rojava and that she did not want to participate in the SFP, but that she would not reject the offer of her comrades.

She added that she felt that she had become intertwined with the people working in the economic area and that they had managed to solve many realistic problems together. However, given that many aligned Arab tribes had not accepted the system of co-presidency, she knew she had a responsibility to take her place in the party in order to fight until such a system was accepted.

The system of having a co-chair or co-spokesperson is a praxis that provides women and men equal rights of speech and decision-making and which can be seen in every institution and organizational structure of the Kurdish freedom movement and dates back to a decision taken by a Kurdish women’s organizations in the 1990s. It is the first praxis of this nature among freedom movements in the world. Hevrin said that the adoption of the co-chair system was not easy, and that it would be an ongoing struggle:

After the declaration of the autonomous government, women’s work has become more and more prominent. All institutions of the autonomous administration are paying special attention to women’s issues, but there is always one institution focused on women exclusively..We do not encourage that women’s issues should be prioritized over general ones, but we do insist that women’s issues are taken into account in every institution.

In order to rekindle the extinguished fire in the history of women, we must intervene and support women’s organizations in every way possible. Until when? Until women and men can work together equally.

For example, the co-presidency system is not accepted in many regions. It has not been sufficiently internalized, even in the many institutions that we have established since the start of the revolution. In other words, to see each other as co-chairs, to know that decisions should be taken together equally, is an idea and a practice that has not yet been fully implemented in our culture.

It works very well in some places, but remember that it is not possible to change a millennia-old mentality in just two years. For example, when we talk about co-chairs, they immediately tell us that this right is only a woman’s right. The co-chair system does not exist solely for women — because the nature of women’s work is to work collectively, it therefore also assures men’s rights. Women see the co-chair system as a way of working with men, in other words, women see the right to work together also as a men’s rights issue.

For example, when we talk about co-chairing in newly-liberated areas, there is a perception that we are doing something for women, but that is not the case; co-chairing is not just for women, it is also for men. It is true, for example, that the decision to apply the co-chair system everywhere was conceived in women’s organizational spaces and actions, but from the beginning we recognized that this system would not only be beneficial for women, but also for all people in northern Syria. So, everyone has the right to act with his or her comrade.

This type of system may be perceived like this at first because there is no other example of it in the world. Sometimes I am very surprised, for example, when my male friends say, ‘Okay, let’s not argue too much, there is a co-chair system and our female friends here should not be offended.’ When I heard this, I said ‘We must accept this system not because otherwise women might get offended, but so that men’s voices do not disappear in society.’

Co-presidency does not mean destroying men, it means transforming gender relations inside our institutions and society. In single-presidency systems, the president is either a man or a woman. Therefore, in order to achieve real transformation in autonomous government, it was necessary to decide on the co-chair system.

For example, when the autonomous government was declared, all ministries had a presidential system; one president and two vice-presidents; now there are two co-chairs and three vice-presidents. Not only in ministries, but in all institutions.

The co-chairing first started in the canton of Cizre, then Kobane and now this system has also begun in Afrin. However, of course the Afrin cantonal assembly had also worked with a de facto co-chair system from the beginning. In fact, even this was strange, as an example the first president of the Cizre canton was a man: Abdulkerim Saruhan; in Kobane also a man: Enver Muslim; but in Afrin it was a woman: Hevi Mustafa. Hevi Mustafa had a male co-chair even though the autonomous government had not yet decided on the co-chair system yet. But because she was a woman, the co-chair system was adopted de facto. It wasn’t implemented there yet. So, this tells us is that if the president is a man, they can continue as a presidential system, but if the president is a woman, she is not allowed to be without a male co-chair.

I laughed, and she laughed too; in that moment I saw the beautiful smile of Hevrin that no doubt stays with everyone who had seen it.

Even after her death, the importance of her struggle was once again made clear: Hevrin was not recognized as co-chair of the Syrian Future Party establishment, but rather referred to as the party’s “secretary general.”

She was a woman who was a co-president in her daily practice; I have no doubt that she continued her struggle with this spirit of resistance until the day she was murdered.

Hevrin Khalaf was smiling in front of me as a co-chair; this was undoubtedly the victory smile I saw in the eyes and faces of all women in Rojava; this honorable smile that destroyed patriarchy. So defending Rojava means defending that honorable smile!

On 19 July 2012, the Kurds found their own “Freedom Day” when the people of Kobane took control of their own destiny, repelling Assad’s Syrian forces and embarked on establishing their own self-government. On the following day, 20 July, the people in Afrin joined them in this endeavour, setting off a wave of successful resistance in the coming days and months across the region that emerged as Rojava. The heroic resistance of these embattled Kurdish men and women immediately inspired solidarity from onlookers around the world and peoples of all nations rallied to the defence of Kobane.

What has become known as the Rojava Revolution drew its direct inspiration from the leadership and writings of Abdullah Öcalan; it was a practical implementation of his core political ideas and unique contribution to the politics of Kurdistan and the broader Middle East region, with global implications and valuable lessons for the entire peoples of the world.”

Women were in the lead and continue to play a crucial role in the new model of society implemented. All the different nations and beliefs in Rojava and Northern Syria joined the 19 July Revolution with their own features and identities.

They started to work together to build a new democratic system on the road to democratization. In the developed democratic system, democratic solutions to issues related to women as the oppressed gender were elaborated, and a political and social system started to take shape as an alternative to the global capital and capitalist system.

The so-called Arab Spring began in Tunisia in 2010 and spread to other Arab and Northern African countries. It also reached Syria. As the popular movement took its first steps in Syria, the Baath regime responded with even stricter oppressive methods in place since 1963 to protect its power.

With the beginning of the Syrian Revolution on 15 March 2011, the peoples of Rojava and northern Syria called for freedom, democracy and equality, organising many demonstrations. Peoples living in northern Syria also demanded an end of the policy of denial imposed by the Baath regime.

Rojava and Northern Syrian women with their various features began to take the lead in the struggle that developed. The essence of the work carried out in the struggle in Northern Syria and Rojava was a struggle for democracy of the peoples, but it was women who added their particular flavour to this.

Öcalan’s ideas formed the basis of the organization

In Rojava and Northern Syria women had the lead of the demonstrations and there is no doubt that the ideological and practical perspective of the struggle was taken from the philosophy of the PKK (Kurdistan Worker’s Party) leader Abdullah Öcalan. They were against the regional and international conspiracy.

In Rojava and Northern Syria, women set up their own organization in 2005 and called it Yekitiya Star [later this name was changed to Kongra Star]. Yekitiya Star, the first step in the struggle for women’s liberation, gradually reached a new level of organization in political, military, social, diplomatic and cultural fields with the beginning of the revolution.

Although in the region it was above all Kurdish women who were involved in the freedom struggle and organization, soon other women from the whole region were incorporated and joined both the struggle and the organisation. In this way, the women’s organization that started as Yekitiya Star soon widened to include various ethnic and religious structures and went on to cover various fields such as political, military and social.

Women strengthened their solidarity in the Syrian revolution

Following the slogan of strengthening the solidarity of women in the Syrian revolution, Yekitiya Star founded the Syrian Women’s Initiative that carried out many different works.

The preparatory meeting of the Syrian Women’s Initiative under the leadership of Yekitiya Star was organized in the Cizire region with the slogan “Whatever their nation, belief and society, the women of Cizire are one”. The Syrian Women’s Initiative foundation conference was held in Qamishlo on 28 March and the first office was opened in the same Qamishlo on 17 November.

Training programs were organized for women in different parts of Rojava and Northern Syria. In the last period, trainings were held in the new liberated areas. In Afrin, Kobane and Cizire, Mala Jin (Women’s House) were opened. The understanding was that women should be able to solve their problems, to implement social justice principles, to provide social development against reactionary minds, to participate in all spheres of society for an ecological, democratic and free society.

On 21 January 2014, the Democratic Autonomous Administration and the Women’s Council were established. This enhanced the opportunities and projects for women to be carried out in the fields of administration, diplomacy and economy.

From Zehra Penaber to Raqqa: Liberation Operations

Kobane city has witnessed many historical and heroic epics. Women’s Defense Units (YPJ) in this city have resisted the patriarchal system in the name of all women and received support from women all over the world. After ISIS attacked Kobane on 15 September 2014, women got actively involved in defending the city against the mercenaries that threatened the world and imposed slavery on women. Women fighters took their place in the front lines throughout the resistance, and carried out many actions.

Arin Mirkan became a symbol of the fight with the action she carried out on 5 October 2014. Zehra Penaber, Hebun Derik and Evindar, are among the legendary commanders whose names will go down in history. They showed the whole world that women can defend themselves and defeat the ISIS mercenaries.

Avesta and Barin, symbols of Afrin resistance

Women have gained historical achievements against the invading Turkish army and its mercenary allies through the legendary resistance carried out in the Afrin mountains.

Like Arin Mirkan, Avesta Xabur has become a legendary symbol in the struggle for liberty of all women of the world thanks to her resistance in Afrin.

Barin Kobane is another woman whose name has been written in the history of women’s resistance. Barin Kobane, like Arin and Avesta, have opened the way to many more Barins, Arins, and Avestas who are ready to fight against ISIS and against fascism in the Resistance of the Age.

The Women’s House, affiliated with the Zenubiya Women’s Community in Raqqa Canton, has become a key social center for resolving family issues. In situations where legal solutions are lacking, the Women’s House serves as a place of resolution. Offering an alternative model to the courts, the Women’s House relies on social dialogue and aims to preserve family unity.

The Women’s House was established at the end of 2017. It consists of three members and one spokesperson. It operates through 17 committees in Raqqa and its countryside. Committees are active in the neighborhoods of Rimelan, Al-Diriya, Al-Mashlab, and Madina; in the southern countryside (Al-Kesrat, Al-Akirshi); in the eastern countryside (five committees); in the western countryside (Al-Khatuniya, Al-Silhebiya); and in the eastern countryside (Al-Hikumiya, Al-Hizma, Al-Asadiya). Each committee consists of two members.

Speaking to ANHA, Newal Al-Jawhar, spokesperson for the Women’s House, stated that the aim of the houses and reconciliation committees is to resolve family issues through dialogue and mutual understanding. She said, “We record the complaints, summon the parties, and initiate dialogue to find a solution that satisfies everyone.”

According to Newal, the most critical issues addressed by the Women’s House are early marriage and drug use. Therefore, they work to raise awareness among all parties about their responsibilities towards the family and children.

A resolution mechanism

Newal Al-Jawhar explained that issues are not always resolved in the first session and that, depending on the situation, a period ranging from one week to one month is granted. During this time, several meetings are held to ease tensions. “With time and support, things improve, and many people abandon decisions they made in anger,” she added.

Not only for women

Newal remarked that the center does not deal exclusively with women’s issues, and that 30 percent of the cases are brought by men who request reconciliation. The Women’s House also handles sensitive matters such as child custody, marital disputes, financial disagreements, and inheritance issues.

Figures and statistics

In the past two years, the Women’s House has received over 2,000 family cases. Around 1,500 of these were resolved peacefully, while 700 cases were referred to the courts.

Newal Al-Jawhar concluded: “Today, women turn to the Women’s House with confidence because they find solutions here that protect their dignity and their families. Our goal is to reach agreements that foster understanding and preserve family unity. Agreement is our principle, and when it is achieved, it is a success for all of us.”

During the July 19 Revolution, known as the Women’s Revolution, women from the Kurdish, Arab, Syriac, Assyrian, Armenian, Circassian, and Turkmen components in Rojava and North and East Syria rose up against the actions of the authorities based on a patriarchal and sectarian mentality.

We present to you in this file the results of women’s efforts and activities, and the achievements they accomplished during the revolution, on the occasion of March 8, International Women’s Day.

The social contract

After the announcement of the Autonomous Administration of al- Jazira Canton on January 21, 2014, Kobani on January 27, and Afrin on January 29, 2014, the Legislative Council of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria met in the city of Amuda in the same year and ratified the Rojava Social Contract, which preserves the military, political, and social rights of women. The system of co-chair was adopted as a fundamental principle in all institutions of the Autonomous Administration.

The social contract was amended on December 29, 2016, and issues of freedom, justice, equality, education, health, environmental protection, women’s freedom, and the protection of women’s and children’s rights were fundamental in this social contract, with women’s representation in these areas reaching 40 percent.

In the context of people’s rights and women’s proposals, the Democratic Autonomous Administration amended the social contract again and ratified the new social contract on December 12, 2023. According to the contract, the representation of women in the public justice system in the region was set at 50 percent.

In 2024, preparations began for a social contract specifically for women, and work on it is still ongoing.

Women’s Authority

Women’s Authority is one of the bodies affiliated with the Executive Council of the Autonomous Administration. Its work involves addressing women’s social, economic, cultural, political, and legal issues, and it operates based on social justice and the democratic family.

The Women’s Authority includes the Women’s Protection Office and the Children’s Protection Office.

At the level of al-Jazira canton, the Amara Office was opened to provide psychological support to women who are subjected to extortion and abuse. Additionally, between 2022 and 2023, 7 centers named “Ahlan Simsim” were opened to develop children’s skills.

Women’s organization

With the aim of standing against all forms of violence and social problems and liberating from prevailing systems, and based on the principle of “Organize yourself according to the ideology of women’s liberation,” the Kongra Star was established as a union before the revolution in 2005, and it continues to manage community organization now under the name Kongra Star.

Kongra Star took the initiative to establish the first women’s councils and centers and organize them in the liberated regions of North and East Syria from ISIS mercenaries (al-Tabqa, Raqqa, Deir ez-Zor). In 2021, the establishment of the Zenobia Women’s Assembly was announced, with its centers located in al-Tabqa, Deir ez-Zor, Raqqa, and Manbij before being occupied by Turkey and its mercenaries in late 2024. It is concerned with organizing women on all levels, in addition to addressing social issues such as violence, child marriage, polygamy, murder, divorce, and inheritance.

Many institutions to combat the patriarchal mentality

To combat violence against women in North and East Syria, the Sara Organization for Combating Violence Against Women was established in 2013.

The Center for Research and Protection of Women’s Rights was established in 2020 with the aim of providing legal support to women and documenting the ongoing violations against them.

The Free Women’s Foundation in Syria was also established in 2014 with the aim of developing and empowering women in the economic, cultural, social, and health sectors.

The Women’s Environmental Platform was established in Rojava in 2022 to promote environmental awareness.

Alongside these organizations, many women’s councils have been established in the region. In 2019, the Women’s Council in North and East Syria was established, and in 2017, the Syrian Women’s Council, the Women’s Council in the Democratic Union Party (PYD), and women’s councils and offices in the Future Syria Party, the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC), and the Democratic Society Movement (TEV-DEM) were established. These are important and significant organizations in the region.

Women’s unions for the Syriac, Armenian, and Yazidi communities were also established in the region, along with the Young Women’s Union and the Women’s Media Union (YRJ), as well as several associations and civil society organizations dedicated to women.

Women’s House

In order to protect women’s rights, combat violence, prevent child marriage, address harassment and rights violations, and tackle all social issues in various cities, as well as to solve social problems according to the model of a democratic and ecological society and to liberate women, the first women’s house was opened in the city of Qamishlo on March 20, 2011, under the auspices of the Star Union (now the Kongra Star). Today, there are 39 women’s houses in North and East Syria.

Also, in the cities of Qamishlo and Hasakah in 2019, under the auspices of the Syriac Women’s Union, the Ishtarot House for Women was established with the aim of finding solutions to the problems faced by Syriac, Armenian, and Chaldean women.

Women’s Justice Council

The Women’s Justice Council was established in 2016 and operated throughout North and East Syria. Under its umbrella, the Women’s House, the Justice Bureau, the Reconciliation Committee, and the Academy were organized.

After the expansion of the liberated areas, the Women’s Social Justice Council in North and East Syria was announced at al-Jazira Conference for the Women’s Justice Council (2018).

Family law

The Women’s Law, which guarantees women’s political, economic, and social rights without relying on patriarchal or masculine mentality and achieves justice and equality, was issued on October 27, 2014, under the auspices of the Kongra Star and consists of 26 articles. However, due to the absence of specific penal laws, the penal code of the Damascus Government was adopted. The Women’s Law was completed in 2016 with the approval of the criminal and penal laws.

In 2019, at the first conference of the Women’s Council in North and East Syria, which included 62 women’s organizations and independent women, the Women’s Law was discussed as principles for women, and a decision was made to issue the Family Law.

The Family Law consists of 6 titles: marriage, divorce, effects of divorce, alimony, kinship, and family-related crimes, and it includes 41 articles. The law stipulates a prison sentence of 10 years for those who commit crimes of killing women. The Family Law was approved for the first time in 2023 in the al-Jazira region, and it protects women, children, and family members.

The security and military field

The Internal Security Forces – Women took over women’s security practically in 2012 and was officially established in 2014. It includes the Syriac Women’s Protection Units (Sutoro), the Assyrian Internal Security Forces (Natura), and women also have a place in the traffic department.

The Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) were established in 2013. Additionally, women take their place independently within the councils of Kurdish, Arab, Syriac, Assyrian, and Armenian components affiliated with the Syrian Democratic Forces.

In order to protect the community security-wise and prevent the proxy war being waged in the region from abroad, the Community Protection Forces for Women were established in 2016.

Golden Crescent Movement

The Hilal Zerin Movement for Women’s Culture in North and East Syria was established in 2016, and today it has 5 centers distributed across the region’s cities. Under the umbrella of the movement, the Shahida Berxwedan Studio and the Women’s Cinema operate as two institutions managing artistic works such as films, music videos, and song releases.

In 2024, the Hela Zerin Movement for Women’s Culture in North and East Syria inaugurated the Higher Institute of Arts in the city of al-Hasakah.

In 2020, the movement also opened the Martyr Noyla School of Fine Arts and established a children’s music band of the same name.

L to R: Buthina Abod and Miyada al-Ahmed [July 2024]

“We’re here to be a real source of support for women, helping them understand their role in the workplace and within their families.”

RIC spoke to Zenobia Women’s Gathering, the main organization advocating for women’s rights in the Arab-majority regions of North and East Syria. Miyada al-Ahmed, the coordinator of Zenobia Women’s Gathering, and Buthina Abod, its spokesperson, outlined the organization’s development, the challenges they have been facing as well as their current work in the Raqqa region.

Miyada al-Ahmed states the mission of Zenobia: “We’re here to be a real source of support for women, helping them understand their role in the workplace and within their families.” She explains that even before the brutal violence and repression of ISIS, women lacked basic rights in the region. She notes that traditions which consider women’s role to be serving the family and producing children still hold women back: “We are working on changing the mentality. We must challenge those traditions that are creating suffering for us.”

She explains how women’s lives have improved since Raqqa’s liberation from ISIS in 2017: “Women have been successful in all fields of work, including politics. Zenobia trains, educates and empowers women to work. Additionally, several economic projects have been created to provide job opportunities for women, such as picking olives and growing wheat. The goal is for women to be able to rely on themselves and be financially independent.”

Zenobia was officially founded in June 2021. Buthina Abod tells of the obstacles faced by Zenobia in its initial years: “We had to overcome extraordinary challenges to achieve our goals. We had to start from scratch, since all buildings and infrastructure were destroyed. Raqqa was like a ghost city. In the beginning, we worked in houses. Eventually, we established a women’s administration for our organisation.” Since then, the organization has grown and established offices in the Raqqa, Tabqa, Manbij and Deir ez-Zor regions. It is divided into different committees, working on topics such as archive and media, education and awareness, training, finance, relations and health.

Buthina Abod points out that the core of Zenobia’s work is furthering women’s rights in the region by empowering women: “The ideology of ISIS has influenced women’s mindsets. For example, women were led to accept underage marriage and polygamy. As a women’s organization, our responsibility is to change their mentality and show them that these practices are harmful. To this end, we have conducted awareness campaigns. We share information about marriage and divorce, how to raise children and how to foster a safe and healthy community.” The awareness campaigns have led to a boost in the numbers of women participating in the work of Zenobia: “Our numbers are growing steadily. Regularly, new people join us and become familiar with what we stand for.”

Combating violence against women and all kinds of abuse is another essential part of the work of Zenobia.For instance, they took on the case of honor-based violence in Tel Samen IDP camp (in the Raqqa region), a video of which went viral in February 2024. At least two sisters were accused of having extra-marital relations and were heavily beaten by their uncle and cousins. Buthina Abod states that: “Zenobia filed a complaint against the perpetrators of the attack, and they are now in prison. We also helped, treated and protected the women victims in a women’s house.”

Miyada al-Ahmed recounts the development of women’s houses since their beginning, and how the attitude of society towards them has changed: “In the beginning, we faced difficulties in how we were perceived. It was needed that women come to us to report problems so that we can help them. Many husbands did not want us to come into their homes to resolve issues. Men were under the impression that we were a court and that we were coming to hold them responsible.

“However, this has changed. Now, even men come to ask us for help when they are facing marital problems, like families interfering in their relationships. We explain that it is wrong to divide a family when both parties do not want that. When families are torn apart by internal conflict, it has a knock-on effect on society as a whole.”

Zirgan (Abu Rasin)- Wars and conflicts all around the world cause an increase in violence against women and children.

Zirgan (Abu Rasin) in  Syria’s northeastern Hasakah province is one of the cities that have been targeted by the Turkish attacks since October 2019. 36 villages of Zirgan, which has 82 villages, are controlled by the Turkish state. Despite all the challenges, women lead the resistance in 46 villages.

Mala Jin (Women’s House) in Zirgan supports women to defend themselves against the Turkish attacks. One of the strategies of the Women’s House is to defend women’s rights and to support women survivors of violence.

NuJINHA spoke to Sediya Eydo, the manager of the Mala Jin in Zirgan, about their activities.

‘The Women’s House also provides educational training to men’

The Women’s House is a center that defends women’s rights, Sediya Eydo said. “The Women’s House provides educational training to both women and men. Unfortunately, incidents of marital discord are on the rise. In recent years, we have received cases of polygamy and early marriage. The biggest reason for the increase in such cases is the ongoing Turkish attacks, causing both economic and psychological problems.”

Early marriage

Sediya Eydo drew attention to the increase in early marriage in the region. “Families marry off their daughters at an early age because they are afraid that their daughters will be kidnapped by the members of the Turkish-backed factions. For instance, a father had seven daughters and faced financial problems. He married off one of his daughters at an early age because he was afraid that his daughter would be kidnapped and raped by the members of the Turkish-backed factions. Women and girls are subjected to violence due to the Turkish attacks.”

They solve problems faced by women

Speaking about the activities of the Women’s House, she said, “When a woman faces a problem, she applies to the Women’s House. The Women’s House does its best to solve her problem. For instance, one woman living in Germany applied to us because her husband wanted to marry here. She applied to us to resolve this problem. As the Women’s House, we took the necessary steps and prevented the man from marrying again.”

‘A free life is possible’

Building a free life is a response to the patriarchal mindset and the Turkish occupation, Sediya Eydo stressed. “Women are subjected to violence by their spouses and fathers at home and by the Turkish state outside. A free life is possible if we fight against the patriarchal mindset and the Turkish occupation. Men and women should fight together against the attacks and violence to build a free and equal life.”

Cases received by the Women’s House since November 2019

From November 2019 to November 2024, the Women’s House received 172 cases, concluding 120 cases and referring 40 cases to the Court of Justice and 12 cases to the Internal Security Forces. The Women’s House concluded seven of the polygamy cases, and referred 11 polygamy cases to the Court of Justice. The Women’s House resolved nine family problems and referred six family problems to the Internal Security Forces. Three cases of threats and harassment, 13 financial problems faced by women and three alimony discussions were resolved. The Women’s House concluded 24 early marriage cases and referred four of early marriage cases to the Court of Justice. Seven cases related to public issues were resolved and two cases related to public issues were referred to the Internal Security Forces. The house resolved one assault case and referred four assault cases to the Internal Security Forces and resolved a kidnapping case. It also resolved an insult case, a child custody case and a debt case.

The women’s revolution in North and East Syria (NES) has become well-known around the world. For most people familiar with the revolution, it brings to mind the Kurdish-led, all-female fighting force known as the Women’s Protections Units (YPJ) and the key role they played in the defeat of Islamic State (ISIS). But the women’s revolution cannot be reduced only to its military aspects. On the contrary, it has made an impact in every part of political, economic and social life.

The women’s movement has established numerous organisations and institutions within and linked to the governing Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) to address the challenges women face in society. These initiatives provide structural solutions, including safe houses for women in danger, educational opportunities for both women and men, and programmes to foster women’s economic independence.

Mala Jin: Women’s Houses

One such institution is the “Mala Jin” (Women’s Houses), spaces organised by women to offer help and support to those facing family issues or civil disputes. These houses provide a refuge and a framework for resolving conflicts.

The first Mala Jin officially opened on 20 March 2011, predating the Rojava Revolution, which began on 19 July 2012. It was established by Kongra Star (formerly Yekitiya Star), an organisation founded in 2005 as a clandestine network of mostly Kurdish women operating under the Ba’ath regime. In its early years, many members faced persecution, including arrests and torture by security forces.

Evolution Over Time

Since the opening of the first Mala Jin, 13 years have passed, during which the region has endured civil war and revolution. These events have transformed society but left behind a traumatized population and grieving families, alongside a monumental task of reconstruction. The pre-existing violence against women and children has been exacerbated by the conflict.

Today, there are 47 Mala Jin across North and East Syria, providing counsel to women and families. They address social issues such as domestic violence, child marriage, divorce, and inheritance. Their primary activities include mediation, reconciliation, and education. Additionally, they offer safe shelters for women in crisis.

Mediation and Reconciliation

Most cases brought to the Mala Jin are resolved internally through mediation by their members. When needed, the Mala Jin collaborates with other women’s structures within the administration, ranging from Social Reconciliation Committees at the commune level (the smallest local decision-making body) to the Women’s Justice Committee, which operates at the sub-district and regional levels, and the Social Justice Committee of Kongra Star.

Conflicts between husbands and wives are the most frequently reported cases. Separate meetings are first held with each party—starting with the wife—to ensure a safe environment for open discussion. Once both are prepared, joint sessions are organized to facilitate dialogue and help them reach a mutual understanding. The Mala Jin monitors these cases through home visits and remains available for follow-up.

If mediation fails, the case is escalated to the courts. Representatives of the Mala Jin assist by offering advice and opinions to judges while providing support to the women involved. The court operates on a three-person panel comprising both men and women.

Addressing Domestic Violence

In cases of domestic violence or threats, women can seek protection at the Mala Jin. Outside of operating hours, they can turn to the Women’s Internal Security Forces (Asayîşa Jin), who coordinate with the Mala Jin. Visible injuries are documented in hospital reports, which are directly forwarded to the appropriate court. The Women’s Internal Security Forces arrest perpetrators, and investigations are conducted by the Women’s Justice Council.

For women unable to leave their homes, relatives or neighbors can report the abuse to the Mala Jin or the local commune. Members of the Mala Jin and the Women’s Internal Security Forces respond promptly, removing the women from harm, documenting evidence, and filing criminal cases against the perpetrators.

The Mala Jin also conducts routine house visits to observe women for signs of abuse or distress. If domestic violence is suspected, immediate action is taken to ensure the woman’s safety.

Women in need of protection can stay at temporary Women’s Protection Houses until a long-term solution is found. For those who cannot return home safely, alternative housing and employment opportunities are arranged.

Education Initiatives

Education is another vital aspect of the Mala Jin’s work. They provide training to both men and women on topics such as women’s rights, health, marital issues, and underage marriage. These programs aim to raise awareness, strengthen community ties, and challenge entrenched social norms.

Transforming Society

The collective efforts of the Mala Jin have paved the way for real societal change. As women become more aware of their rights and the support systems available to them, communities are experiencing a shift in mindset. Men are increasingly held accountable for their actions, and educational opportunities encourage them to adopt progressive attitudes.

The Mala Jin continues to adapt its services to meet the evolving needs of society. Following the Turkish military’s occupation of Afrin (Efrîn), Tel Abyad (Girê Spî), and Ras al-Ayn (Serê Kaniyê) in 2018 and 2019, the region has faced large-scale displacement and ongoing attacks. Turkish military operations have also destroyed civilian infrastructure, leaving millions without reliable electricity or running water.

These challenges place immense pressure on the women of North and East Syria, but the Mala Jin perseveres. Through their tireless work, they are building a new society rooted in women’s liberation and resilience.

Following the revolution that took place in North and East Syria in 2011, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) and Kongra Star, an umbrella organization of women’s organizations in northeastern Syria, established many organizations for women. Mala Jin (English: Women’s House) is one of these organizations. Having branches in all cities of North and East Syria, Mala Jin has also a branch in the El-Teyî neighborhood of Qamishlo.

 ‘We opened the branch after a year of work’

Yasmîn Îsa, Spokesperson of Mala Jin in the neighborhood, told NuJINHA that they had opened the branch of Mala Jin in the neighborhood after working for a year. “After the liberation of the neighborhood, the branch was opened with the support of the AANES and Kongra Star. At the beginning, we faced some challenges because some Arab people did not allow women to participate in the labor force due to the patriarchal mindset in society.”

‘Education changed Arab men’

After opening the branch in the neighborhood, the members of the branch performed home visits. “We told the philosophy of Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan to the people. Slowly, the people trust us and allowed women to work with us and participate in activities. Arab men told us, ‘After getting to know your thoughts, philosophy, culture and society, our mentality towards you changed’. Actually, education changed Arab men,” said Yasmîn Îsa.

‘Our aim is to save women from slavery’

The members of Mala Jin work in coordination with the commune in the neighborhood to solve the problems faced by women. “Our aim is to save women from patriarchy, slavery and the tribal system. To save women, we should change the backward traditions and customs,” said Yasmîn Îsa, indicating that Arab women are impressed by their activities. “When they see how we work with a communal spirit, they want to work with us. Now, Arab women are the members of all our committees. They tell us that they have improved themselves thanks to the philosophy of leader Apo (Abdullah Öcalan).”

 ‘We will support all women’

Calling on women not to “keep silent, accept slavery,” Yasmîn Îsa said, “They should make great efforts to develop their society. They should defend their lands and country to the end. As Mala Jin, we will do our best to solve all problems faced by women and support all women. Mala Jin is a safe space for Kurdish, Syrian, Armenian, Yazidi and Arab women.”

The networks created to solve the problems faced by women lead social change in North and East Syria. One of these networks is Women’s Houses (Kurdish: Mala Jin) aiming to solve women’s issues, particularly domestic problems such as violence, marriage and divorce, and oppressive behaviors in the household. In an interview with NuJINHA, Behiya Murad, manager of the Women’s House in the Qamishlo Canton, spoke about the aims and activities of the Women’s Houses.

Behiya Murad said that they started learning their history as Kurds after the Kurdish Freedom Movement emerged in the 1980s, when they had lost their roots. “After completing my education, I got married. All Kurdish musical and folk dance groups used to have their rehearsals at my house. People from all parts of Kurdistan used to come to our house. Talking to different people developed my personality. We held meetings secretly against the repressions of the Baathist regime. We were most impressed by the ideology and thoughts of the freedom movement and the determination of the revolutionaries.”

‘We solved the problems faced by women by forming a group of women’

Before the revolution in Rojava, women carried out their activities to solve social issues under the umbrella of committees called, “Reconciliation committees”. “As women, we are a part of society and responsible for solving social issues. At that time, we solved the problems faced by women by forming a group of women. We used to visit families every day. When the spark of the revolution was ignited in Rojava Kurdistan, we were also a part of it. During that time, I started working for the Women’s House and still work for it.”

‘Men also come to the Women’s House to find solutions for their problems’

When the Women’s House was opened in the canton, women were afraid of going there. “Because, our society thought it was a shame for women to come to the Women’s House. Then, this situation changed. Now, women come to the Women’s House and tell us what kinds of problems they face. Women come to the women’s house because they know the women’s house ensures justice based on gender equality. Now, men also come to the women’s house to find solutions for their problems. They know that our aim is to build a democratic society based on equality,” Behiya Murad told us.

Speaking about how they solve problems faced by women, she said, “We first listen to women and men to solve issues such as child marriage, inheritance and polygamy. The percent of child marriages has dropped after we held meetings and seminars to raise awareness on child marriage. However, some parents married off their daughters at the age of 14 so that they would not be kidnapped and sold by ISIS.”

‘Steps should be taken against online violence’

Last year, the Women House received more than 60 applications about online violence. “We have held meetings and seminars at schools and in neighborhoods to raise awareness about online violence. Media should take steps to tell how women can protect themselves from blackmail because the media has an important role in raising awareness about online violence.”

Underling that the Women’s House tries to solve all the problems in a social harmony, Behiya Murad said, “Our aim is to build a democratic society respecting the rights of women and children.”

Zenûbiya Women’s Community has carried out many activities to educate women and empower women’s struggle in North and East Syria. It holds education courses based on women’s liberation and the democratic nation project and aims to reach all women in the region.

Rabaa Bekro, Spokesperson of Zenûbiya Women’s Community branch in Manbij, says the door of the community is open to women from all nations and religions. “Zenûbiya Women’s Community is a space for all women. When a new member joins our community, she first receives education because education and self-development is a must for our community. Uneducated people cannot fulfill their responsibilities and serve their society. Education develops women intellectually and culturally. The members of our community receive ideological education in our academies.”

 Education courses are held on the basis of Abdullah Öcalan’s paradigm and ideology

Underlining that they benefited from the thoughts and ideology of Kurdish people’s leader Abdullah Öcalan in forming their education system, Rabaa Bekro said that they focus on women’s self-improvement, social problems and the solutions of these problems. “Women receive education on how they develop their personalities. Our education courses support women to reveal their skills and abilities in every sphere of life.  The distribution of roles of the members is determined according to their personalities and abilities.”

They educate their society after receiving education courses

Fatma Beko, member of the Education Committee of the Zenûbiya Women’s Community, pointed to the importance of education and said, “For the Zenûbiya Women’s Community, education is like the backbone in our body. The community is a school for women to work for other organizations and institutions. The community has many women members. In the beginning, these women did not know anything about the Democratic Nation Project. Now, they teach this project to other women in our academies. Women’s liberation, Democratic Nation Project, Autonomous Administration, co-presidential system are the projects of leader Abdullah Öcalan. For this reason, we benefit from his thoughts and ideology while forming our personality. People should first educate themselves so that they can educate other people. The members of the Zenûbiya Women’s Community receive weekly education courses. Mala Jin (Women’s House) branches provide weekly education courses for the members of its committees in rural areas. In addition, the members of Women’s Economy and Mala Jin attend our weekly education courses.”

Unfortunately the video below does not contain English language subtitles.

Influenced by Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan’s ideas on women’s freedom and organization as well as by the experiences of women militants, the people of Rojava formed their organization under the name of Yekîtiya Star on January 15, 2005.

The Kurdistan Freedom Struggle moved to another phase after Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan arrived in Rojava in 1979. Abdullah Öcalan, who influenced the Rojava area for 20 years, sowed the seeds of women’s organization from the lands of Rojava to the whole of Kurdistan. Considering the social reality and women’s reality, he has become a guide for women’s organisation.

Kongra Star Coordination Member Zeyneb Mihemed spoke to ANF about the process from the beginning of the women’s struggle in Rojava to the establishment of Yekîtiya Star. Mihemed recalled that the first woman organization in Rojava started with the arrival of Öcalan. “Previously, there was no organization where women could recognize themselves and fight and resolve problems. The arrival of Öcalan marked the real beginning of this struggle. Afterwards, the PKK’s struggle here helped women get to know themselves and form their organization.”

WOMEN COVERED A LONG WAY IN THE 1990s

Mihemed summarized the development of the women’s struggle as follows: “Women’s organisation in the region made further progress in the 1990s. Now, women in Rojava have gradually started to find the way to freedom to enable them to resolve their problems. Öcalan’s arrival in Rojava paved the way for this because Öcalan attached great importance to women. Commitment to the ideas of Öcalan led to an increase in struggle. Women’s participation in political and social activities began. There was no such thing before. Women had been secluded at home. They were not doing any work. Öcalan’s arrival helped women make progress not only in one area, but also in the entire public sphere.

WOMEN MADE THEMSELVES HEARD

Women were holding meetings where they proposed solutions to existing problems. With the activities carried out in the 1990s, women got to know themselves. The power that had been lost in history and seized by the rulers was reclaimed. Women thus came to the fore. Women made themselves heard in marches, uprisings, meetings, and martyrdoms. They were able to reveal that hidden power gradually.

WOMEN GOT STRENGTH FROM ÖCALAN

Öcalan carried out very important work in Rojava, the impact of which has remained until today. Many steps have been taken so far. Women are now active in every field, including political and military fields. With the strength they got from Öcalan, women have improved their organization.

WOMEN’S ORGANIZATION WAS NEEDED

Various activities were carried out to this end in Rojava. Afterwards, they were further expanded and reached all segments of society. Thus, a strong organization was needed to resolve the problems in Rojava. Öcalan had already laid the groundwork for it in Rojava. Afterwards, women declared their organization in Rojava so as to resolve the existing problems better. Thanks to the ideas of Öcalan and the women’s movement in the region, women have become able to take bigger and more important steps in Rojava.

WOMEN GATHERED UNDER THE ROOF OF YEKİTİYA STAR

In line with this need, the women of Rojava were organized under the name of Yekîtiya Star. The ideology of the Women’s Freedom Movement also provided a major support to this organization. This organization started with the philosophy of Öcalan, and then it emerged as a result of the struggle of the Kurdish Women’s Movement and the activities carried out in Rojava. Progress has been made in many ways. Ideologically, remarkable steps have been taken based on the perspective of the Women’s Freedom Struggle. Indeed, it was a significant support. The support of the military forces cannot be ignored, either. The support of the female guerrillas was significant. Our comrades in the mountains of Kurdistan protected the women and people in Rojava. If there had been no such defence, the defence mechanism in Rojava would not have reached its current level.”

Part Two

Following the establishment of Yekîtiya Star on January 15, 2005, the women’s organization went beyond the borders and spread throughout the region. Not only Kurdish women, but also women from all nationalities took part in this organization.

After the introduction of the free woman paradigm of Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan and the Kurdistan Women’s Freedom Movement’s activities in Rojava, people of the region decided to organize their own unique organization. Women, mothers and activists within the women’s liberation struggle started to discuss the structure, name and the form of organization. These discussions were concluded on January 15, 2005, and the Rojava women’s struggle continued with the establishment of a new organization called Yekîtiya Star.

Kongra Star Spokeswoman Remziye Mihemed, who took part in the establishment of Yekîtiya Star, Aîfe Bekîr, Member of the Foreign Relations Department of the PYD (Democratic Union Party) General Assembly, Felek Yusif, Kobanê Canton Intellectuals Association Co-Chair and Şaha Xelîl, Qamishlo Canton Kongra Star Spokeswoman, talked to ANF about the establishment process and the initial activities.

A GROUP OF REVOLUTIONARY WOMEN AND MOTHERS

Remziye Mihemed, who took part in the establishment of Yekîtiya Star, gave an outline of the process: “Yekîtiya Star was founded on January 15, 2005, by a group of revolutionaries and mothers. Those who carried out the women’s struggle in Rojava were the main pillar of this organization. With the women’s organization that we launched secretly, we were able to lay a strong foundation for Rojava Kurdistan and the women’s revolution. The main foundation of Yekîtiya Star is the Kurdistan Women’s Freedom Struggle. Those who fought in the mountains became models for the organization there.”

WOMEN’S ORGANIZATION EXISTED EVEN BEFORE YEKITIYA STAR

Arife Bekîr from Afrin is among those who contributed to the establishment of Yekîtiya Star. PYD General Assembly Foreign Relations Assembly member Bekir pointed out that they had started their activities in Afrin in the 1980s. She said: “Those were very difficult and good days. We were working with love and great enthusiasm. We were asking questions such as what the Kurdish question is, who we are, where we come from, why we are oppressed. In this respect, we worked together with the people in Afrin. Women’s organisation existed even before Yekîtiya Star. We were improving our education and organization based on women’s experiences. We continued our work for our freedom and independent Kurdistan with determination.”

AFRIN WAS IMPORTANT FOR ORGANIZATIONAL ACTIVITIES

Bekir continued: “In Afrin, which is known as a pro-women city, activities had a tremendous impact. After realizing the fact that women were not strong enough and organized there, a strong initiative was introduced. We were constantly asking ourselves why men were active in every field, while women were not. We were saying that there should be equality between men and women, and we were seeking our rights.”

OPPRESSION AND TORTURE DID NOT PREVENT WOMEN

“Before the establishment of Yekîtiya Star, we worked as a militia. Our job was to organize society and women. We were conducting our work clandestinely. In the past, it was considered shameful by society for a woman to work and visit families. It was not considered appropriate for women to go out and work in public. We were suppressed by family, society and the state. We were nevertheless carrying out our activities in public. In 2008, I was arrested by the state and put in prison. We were subjected to a serious crackdown and torture in prison. However, we did not change our decision and we remained committed to achieving our freedom. Thus, we did not abandon the struggle. We started with a group of women. In the beginning, there were only Kurdish women. Over the years, Arab and Syriac women also joined this organization,” Bekir stated.

WOMEN’S ORGANIZATION BROUGHT ABOUT HOPE AND ENLIGHTENMENT

Felek Yusif, who participated in the establishment phase in the Kobanê region, talked about the struggle and her involvement as follows: “After I got married in 1993, I familiarized myself with the women’s struggle. I got to know myself through the impact of the organization on women and society. It brought about hope and enlightenment for us. Even before Yekîtiya Star was founded, women were carrying out a struggle here. However, it was not institutional because of the Baath regime. We were carrying out the struggle as militias. We were visiting homes, resolving family problems. We were in constant communication with women. We received training in secret. There were many obstacles while carrying out our activities. Both the state crackdown and tribalism were challenges to our organizational activities.”

WOMEN SURPASSED THE STATE AND TRIBALISM

Yusif continued: “There were activities everywhere and they were carried out in secret. Especially in Ain Issa, the Kurdish families involved in organizational activities were in the public eye since the majority of the population was Arab. So, they were gathering clandestinely. What made Kobanê different from other regions? It was just us, the Kurds, involved in the work there. The activists there supported and covered each other, but those working in other areas were reported to the government and had their homes raided by the state forces. The biggest challenge to carrying out activities in Kobanê was imprisonment. Customs and manners in Kobanê regarded the imprisonment of women as indecent. The government knew this well, so it couldn’t suppress women much. However, the state forces increased pressure after realizing that women were advancing gradually. By improving their organization, women could also surpass the narrow traditions of the tribes.”

THANKS TO THE LEADER AND THE FREEDOM MOVEMENT

Shaha Xelîl from Qamishlo is one of those women who have been struggling since 1986-1987. Xelîl said: “We rely on the line of women’s freedom against the patriarchal mentality that has supressed us for centuries. Because of this mentality, we were deprived of all our rights. We are still fighting against it. This is thanks to the Freedom Movement and Öcalan’s philosophy. Women began to search for their genuine self after Öcalan began to promote women’s freedom and rights. The most important contribution in North-East Syria was made by the Freedom Movement fighters. In the 1980s, 1990s and afterwards, the women fighters of the Freedom Movement were active all over Syria. It was the first attempt for the Kurdish women to organize themselves in every field. It was a very difficult process for us. Society was petrified because of the pressure of both the Baath regime and the traditions and customs of the patriarchal mentality. Women were involved in political and military activities for the first time. Thanks to the Freedom Movement militants, more women joined the women’s movement to expand the organization and the freedom struggle.

THE WORK WENT BEYOND KURDISH REGIONS

While activities had been carried out mostly in the Kurdish regions before, Yekîtiya Star carried out work to reach all components and gather them under a single roof. Now, activities have spread across Rojava and all of Syria. When Yekîtiya Star was founded, our numbers were very small. Work was underway throughout the Cizîre region through mothers such as Esma, Comrade Remziye, Mother Hogir and Comrade Hanife. When necessary, we were active in the committees of economy, justice and defence as well. We did all the work together. We were making family visits and organizing participation. The pressure of the Baath regime was also very intense. Mother Esma, Mother Hogir and many other women activists were jailed. It wasn’t easy at all. Both the state forces and the customs of society were challenging. Nevertheless, as Yekîtiya Star, we insisted on our work and struggle. We have come to these days thanks to this persistence.”

Part Three

In North-East Syria, every house has become a women’s organization centre in 12 years, and moreover, men have been given education on women’s freedom.

Kongra Star Spokeswoman Remziye Mihemed who has played an active role in the activities of Yekîtiya Star since its establishment, and PYD General Assembly Foreign Relations Department Member Aîfe Bekîr spoke to ANF about the 12-year organizational process of Yekîtiya Star, which has achieved many important accomplishments in the region for 12 years, from education to justice, from economy to cooperative work.

NEW CONGRESSES

Kongra Star Spokeswoman Remziye Mihemed stated that they expanded their organization by carrying out activities clandestinely under the pressure of the Baath regime. She said: “The congress was held every two years. The 2nd Congress was held in the Enize village of Qamishlo, and the next ones in Aleppo and in Afrin. It was important to organize meetings for the formation of women’s power, organization, willpower and self-education. We have succeeded in being a model for all women’s organizations and all other peoples. We showed everyone that they could form their own unique organizations.”

IT WAS TARGETED AS IT GREW

Remziye Mihemed pointed out that those who played a leading role in this struggle were constantly targeted.  She continued: “We created the existence of women in this revolution. Attacks and conspiracies against us are increasing, targeting our friends and our administrators. They seek to weaken the will of women. However, we see that women’s struggle and organization are gaining prominence in all areas of life. Kurdish women have been able to play a major role in the revolution through their organization and presence. They could play a major role by taking part in all assemblies and committees. We lost thousands of martyrs. Our Euphrates Region Coordination was targeted. All this clearly demonstrates that our struggle has accomplished a result and disturbed the ruling mindset.”

ORGANIZATION BROUGHT ABOUT VICTORY

Mihemed emphasized that this situation could be better seen in the ISIS attacks. She underlined that despite all the attacks, they continued to expand their organization: “When there were attacks on Kurdish cities, Kurdish women showed everyone how they organized themselves and confronted these attacks and ISIS atrocities. Women from all the folks in the region were inspired by this and formed their own unique organization. They took part in all assemblies, committees and organizations. We were able to play a major role in the region with the co-presidency system. Women have seen that when they are organized and educated, they can stand against all attacks and atrocities and lead their activities to victory.”

WOMEN’S INSTITUTIONS OPENED

Aîfe Bekîr pointed out that they expanded their work by promoting the concepts of free women, free society and equality. She said: “At Yekîtiya Star’s 2nd Congress, we decided to include not only Kurdish women but also women from all other peoples in our work and organization. We concluded that women should fight for their freedom wherever they are, based on the concepts of free women, free society and equality. We made a lot of decisions based on the freedom of society and women.

Noting that the whole process was carried out under the seal of secrecy, Bekîr added: “The 3rd congress was held in Kefer Sixîre in 2009. Many decisions were taken during this congress. The process was very difficult in the beginning, but it grew easier in time. There were no institutions back then. Activities were carried out in houses. When we had a meeting, we held it clandestinely. It was a very difficult process. Organizational activities, which had been carried out in houses once, were now carried out through dozens of women’s organizations in all fields of the revolution.”

Part Four

Rojava women’s struggle began with Yekîtiya Star and moved to a new stage on 26 February 2016 under the name of Kongra Star.

The 12-year legacy of the struggle carried out by women organized in Yekîtiya Star, moved to a new stage on 26 February 2016, when it took the name Kongra Star.

Kongra Star has managed to cross borders and reach the world. Representative offices have been opened in many countries, and other women in the world joined the struggle.

Qamişlo Canton Kongra Star spokesperson, Şaha Xelîl, and Kobanê Canton Intellectuals Union Co-chair, Felek Yusif, who took an active part in the struggle from beginning to the new organizational transformation, talked about the new organization of the struggle and what happened during the transformation process.

Conversion was necessary

Şaha Xelîl, who has been active from the establishment of Yekîtiya Star right through the establishment of Kongra Star, said: “There was a need to transform into Kongra Star in order to develop and grow. Kongra Star played a crucial role in this growth. The women who are now organizing in liberated areas have perhaps surpassed the original organization of Kurdish women. I think, for example, of how Zenobiya Women’s Community was established and organized in all fields there.”

Felek Yusif, co-chair of the Kobanê Canton Intellectuals Union, underlined that the source of strength in this growth and transformation is the guerrilla resistance. “We used to get our strength from the guerrilla resistance in the Medya Defense Areas to carry out our work with difficulty in regions like Kobanê where there was intense pressure. We knew that there was a place where we had our strength and our defense.”

Felek Yusif added that the influence of Kurdish people’s Leader Abdullah Öcalan in Kobanê is fundamental to the continuity and increase of these efforts. Yusif pointed out that women continue to struggle despite all kinds of oppression and torture and added: “When we were walking around our city after the regime on 19 July [2012], it was so breath-taking to see that everywhere was decorated with our women’s organization flags. The dream has come true. It was a very different feeling.”

Part Five

Kongra Star, which is based on the Democratic Confederalism project, carries out a struggle that reaches women all around the world.

Kongra Star organized its activities in many fields, from self-defense to economy through communes and cooperatives.

Kongra Star’ members are also members of the commune. Assemblies are organized in towns, regions and cantons. Kongra Star is based in a democratic society and free women on the basis of women’s revolution, women’s knowledge and awareness, starting from the family system.

There are different committees, namely the Freedom for Leader Abdullah Öcalan Committee, Free Sovereignty Committee, Self-Defense Forces (Composed of Internal Security Forces-Women, Self-Defense Forces-Women), Disciplinary Committee, Alliances and Democratic Policies Committee, Education and Academy Committee, Social Committee, Political Committee, Law and Justice Committee, Economics Committee, Financial Economy, Culture and Arts Committee, Press Committee, Health Committee and Ecology Committee.

Speaking to ANF, Kongra Star Coordination member, Cîhan Hisên, underlined the difficult journey of the freedom struggle, from militia activities to Yekîtiya Star, from Yekîtiya Star to Kongra Star. Hisên said: “Before 2016, there was a woman’s legacy stretching from Damascus to Dêrîk. Leader Apo [Abdullah Öcalan] laid the foundation of this legacy in terms of social, political and education. Yekîtiya Star was founded in 2005, based on the experience of the 80s. From 2005 to 2016, the discussion about how to establish the system and how to organize after the revolution was deep and inspiring. As the result of this discussion, Kongra Star was established.

Organization through the family

Cîhan Hisên noted that after the establishment of Kongra Star, they primarily trained families, children and young people through women in order to raise awareness and added: “On this basis, it was one of our main goals to organize through the family. Thus, it organized itself in society and worked within society and the revolution.”

YPJ is part of this system

Cîhan Hisên said: “If an organization wants to develop in terms of politics and diplomacy, the defense mechanism is definitely a priority. We responded to this with the establishment of the YPJ.”

New economic projects

Kongra Star organizes itself according to Democratic Confederalism. Cîhan Hisên says that this means the YPJ on one side and the economy on the other, and added: “Kongra Star has led the way across the North East Syria Region in terms of economy. In many provinces, districts and villages, livelihood projects were carried out for women. Another of our goals is to create new economic projects in NorthEast Syria and so reach tens of thousands of women.”

The efforts of the Education Committee

Hisên continued: “Our Education Committee worked hard to raise awareness among Kurdish, Arab, Armenian, Assyrian and Circassian women and to spread the science of women, and valuable results were achieved. Our education system was also beneficial for women. Our education system is effective in changing the patriarchal mentality and creating a democratic family. With this education system, we also emptied the targets set by the enemy.”

North East Syrian Women’s Assembly

Cîhan Hisên said that the North East Syrian Women’s Assembly was established after the birth of Kongra Star and added that “such an assembly was needed in order to gather all parties, institutions, organizations and nations under one roof. The announcement of the North East Syria Women’s Assembly was actually one of the targets set by Kongra Star.”

Hisên said that they have representatives in some European countries, as well as in Lebanon, Bashur Kurdistan and Damascus. “Our goal is to reach the whole world. As Kongra Star, we did not only reach Kurdish women. Kongra Star organizes through the Democratic Confederalism project and sets goals and projects involving other components. As Kongra Star and Kurdish women, we led Armenian, Syriac, Arab and Circassian women. This system has had great effects on other societies. Our model will appeal to all nations. Beyond that, we need to work harder for a more effective, permanent and organized system.”

Part Six

52 women’s organizations have been getting organised more efficiently under the umbrella of the Women’s Assembly of North-East Syria.

The Women’s Assembly of North-East Syria was established on 14 June 2019 based on three main principles. The Assembly, which includes 52 women’s movements from Kurds, Arabs, Syriacs, Armenians, Chaldeans, Turkmen and Circassians, is currently drafting a constitution for the future of Syria.

The Women’s Assembly Coordination Member Jîyan Hisên answered ANF’s questions about the development of women’s struggle in North-East Syria.

How did the idea of such an organization emerge? How was the preparatory work?

With 12 years of Yekîtiya Star experience, which was followed by Kongra Star, women liberated many areas during the course of the revolution and played a role in society in the fields of military, diplomacy, cultural, political and economy. Yet, there was no assembly that brought women together in a common environment. Each party, non-governmental organisation, political party, institution and organization carried out activities in its own field. After the liberation of Raqqa, Tabqa, Deir ez-Zor and Manbij, there was a need to form an assembly. Under the leadership of Kongra Star, women and their movements in the region took a major step in 2019 following an agreement that there should be a women’s assembly to unite other assemblies in all fields. A preparatory committee visited political parties, non-governmental organizations and independent institutions and organizations in the region. The purpose was to establish women’s assemblies for all activities and to gather them under one roof. All the organizations that were visited presented a favourable opinion about the project. Gathering women under one roof was a reaction against both occupation and femicide.

When and where was the Women’s Assembly of North-East Syria established, what organizations does it include?

The Congress to found the Women’s Assembly of North-East Syria was held in Amude on June 14, 2019. The draft charter of the assembly, designed by the Preparatory Committee, was submitted to the congress and approved. On June 11, 2021, the 1st Congress was held. Within the Women’s Assembly of North-East Syria, there are 52 women’s movements and organizations that include women’s assemblies, 18 non-governmental organizations, Chaldean, Syriac, Circassian, Armenian and Turkmen peoples and independent institutions and organizations.

Two representatives from each organization take place in the assembly. Before the establishment of Zenobiya Women’s Community, there had been representative agencies in liberated areas. Each region had three representatives. Women representatives and women’s youth organizations from the Autonomous Administration institutions are also included, as well as some independent women.

How many offices does the assembly have and where?

Originally, there was no intention of forming assemblies in all provinces. We just wanted to establish a central office in Qamishlo. We wanted to carry out our activities through representatives which were already organized in all provinces. However, with the occupation of Serêkaniyê and Girê Spî and the movement restriction after the Covid-19 pandemic, it was necessary to open a central office to carry out our activities more efficiently in other regions such as Kobanê, Raqqa, Tabqa and Deir ez-Zor. Thus, a central office was opened in Raqqa. Based in Qamishlo and Raqqa, our activities take place across North-East Syria.

What committees does the assembly have and on what basis are its activities carried out?

After the assembly was founded, two committees came to the fore; the Women’s Law Committee and the Constitutional Committee. Afterwards, the Women’s Organizations Action Platform was established.

Concerning the activities of the Women’s Law Committee, the Women’s House and the Women’s Justice Council were established in 2014. These were promoting the revolution. The laws enacted were restricted to the Cizîre Region due to attacks. After a discussion of ways to develop it, it was concluded that everyone from all over North-East Syria should take part in this committee, and it was thus expanded. A draft concerning the activities of this committee was prepared until the first congress of the Women’s Assembly of North-East Syria. The draft was approved at the congress. Afterwards, this committee was able to carry out its activities efficiently everywhere. We used to call it ‘women’s law‘, but it was changed into ‘family law’ to include children and families. We put this law into practice in the Cizîre region. In the future, we will gather women and present it to them in Kobanê, Shehba and liberated areas. It is more urgent in those regions.

Concerning the activities of the Constitutional Committee, we established this committee throughout North-East Syria as we believed that a solution could only be offered there under the leadership of women. Representatives of all peoples take place in it. It introduced a strong outline of what the women of North-East Syria want for the future of Syria, and it continues to work effectively. It was founded to meet the demands of the whole society, especially of all women in Syria. Institutions other than the assembly were also asked for their opinions. We wanted to be ready in advance by the time the Syrian Constitutional Committee work kicked off. This committee was established on this basis.

Moreover, the Women’s Organizations Action Platform was founded. The activities of this platform, which had been carried out within Kongra Star before, were transferred to the assembly. This platform was established to mark important days and to take action against attacks directed against women.

Has there been any disruption to the goals of the Assembly?

With our organization based in North-East Syria, we set the goal of reaching women and their movements in Syria, the Middle East and all over the world. We also organized online forums due to the travel restrictions introduced in the region for different reasons. We are working to spread the achievements and experiences gained through the revolution to the whole world. Women in the Middle East who participate in these forums express that they take inspiration from this revolution.

The attacks and embargo against the region affect the work of the assembly negatively. Without these, our work would have been more efficient. We discuss ways to overcome these shortcomings in the future. We hope to overcome them quicker through the congresses we hold every two years.

“Women and children have defended their lands since the beginning of humanity. Today, the members of the HPC-JIN defend their society and lands,” said Hediye Abdullah, the executive of the Women’s Social Defense Units (HPC-JIN).

The Democratic Nation System in NE Syria has brought many developments with it. After the Revolution in Rojava, women have founded many organizations and institutes and pioneered the changes in society. One of them is the Women’s Social Defense Units (HPC-JIN), which plays an important role in society. The HPC-JIN has shaped women’s self-defense forces on democratic confederalism. The HPC-JIN was established in 2016 as the self-defense units of women. Hediye Abdullah, the executive of the Women’s Social Defense Units (HPC-JIN), spoke to NuJINHA about the activities of the units.

“The HPC-JIN was established in 2016”

Stating that the HPC-JIN was established in 2016, Hediye Abdullah said:

“Before the HPC-JIN was officially announced, we conducted our work in the commune and community in 2013. At that time, the asayish (security) forces weren’t established yet and we kept watch at all checkpoints. Before the revolution, the Baathist Regime ruled in Rojava Kurdistan. After the revolution, we took them out of the region and begin to defend our region ourselves. After the asayish forces were established, our name was not officially announced, but everyone knew us as patriots defending their own region. Our name was officially mentioned in 2014. The general congress of the HPC was held in 2015 but the HPC-JIN was established in 2016. After being officially announced, we opened our offices in all regions of NE Syria.”

“The members of the HPC-JIN defend their people and lands”

Speaking about the aim of the HPC-JIN, Hediye Abdullah said, “When a revolution takes place in a country, a war starts and those who are affected by this war are women. In Rojava, two revolutions took place. The first revolution is the armed revolution and the second one is the popular revolution. Men oppressed women in families due to the patriarchal mindset in society. We objected to this mindset and said that women should not be subjected to oppression and violence. We, as defense units, defend the rights, existence, and reality of women. At first, we do not allow women to marry at a young age. We learned the biggest lesson from Shengal, because if HPC-JIN had been there, more than 3,000 women of Shengal would not have been abducted. We expanded our organization in order to not allow women to be abducted again. Our people have taken strength from us. We think that defending our people and lands is a sacred duty. When Kongra Star was founded, many institutes were formed and one of them was the defense of women. Women have defended their society, children, and lands for centuries. Today, the members of the HPC-JIN defend their society and lands. All knowledge and experience of women were confiscated by the male-dominant mindset. Today we are freed from slavery and return to our essence. Today we defend ourselves and protect our existence.”

“HPC-JIN can defend women all around the world”

Stating that they have organized in all regions of Rojava Kurdistan, Hediye Abdullah continued to talk as follows:

 “HPC-JIN has completed its organization in all cities of Rojava Kurdistan. Today, our organization is shown as a model organization all over the world. We can say that we have the power to defend all women all around the world because we have gained experiences from the women’s revolution. Today, we follow the legacy of our martyrs. We will keep defending our lands and women against all oppression and attacks and follow in the footsteps of our martyrs.”

“HPC-JIN defends all segments”

Pointing out that the HPC-JIN defends all segments, Hediye Abdullah said, “We first defend women and then our people. We have conducted awareness-raising activities for women. Our revolution has been built on the democratic nation paradigms and all segments can take part in this system. The members of the HPC-JIN are Arab, Assyrian, Yazidi, Christian, and Kurdish women. We defend all segments in society.”

Stating that every woman in society is actually a member of the HPC-JIN, Hediye Abdullah said, “The women are prepared for all attacks against their society. The enemy targets women and we must defend women against all attacks. Women should defend their families and society because the plan and aim of the occupiers are to take control of our region and enslave women. All women should be self-aware and develop their self-defense.”

Part 8: “Women’s justice defends equality”

Welae El-Eli, member of the Women’s Council for Social Justice in Cizîr Region, spoke to NuJINHA about the works of the council.

After the revolution in Rojava, many women’s organizations and institutes have been founded.  Women’s Council for Social Justice is one of them. The goals of the council are to defend both individual and community rights. The Democratic Nation project is implemented by women, and women work paradigm of democracy, ecology, and women’s freedom axis and realize the democratic nation project. The council defends the rights of all peoples, cultures, and beliefs and serves as a model for the entire region and the world. It embraces all women with its knowledge and experiences about justice and becomes the only mechanism that advocates women’s rights. Welae El-Eli, member of the Women’s Council for Social Justice in Cizîr Region, spoke to NuJINHA about the works and activities of the council.

The role of the Women’s Council for Social Justice in the judiciary

Stating that the Women’s Council for Social Justice was established in 2016, Welae El-Eli said:

“The Women’s Council for Social Justice was officially established on July 26, 2016, by the Kongra Star. It oversees all judicial and social institutions and supervises all of the women’s judicial institutions in NE Syria. It works coordinately with the Mala Jin (Women’s House), Peace Committee, and the Court of Justice. The council also monitors the implementation of women’s laws and women’s problems in justice institutions. It provides practical and ideological training, launches awareness-raising campaigns, and gives opinions the incidents and cases. The council holds a conference every two years. At the conference, the two-year activities are discussed and the members of the council are elected and the council determines a two-year road map. The council holds a meeting every month to discuss their works. The members of the council are also the members of the Board of Inspection, Judicial Executive Board, and General Social Justice Council.”

“Justice is conscience, equality, democracy, and ethics”

Underlining that justice is the conscience of the human beings; Welae continued to talk as follows:

“In order to secure justice, people must first listen to their conscience because justice is conscience and ethics. Justice is a concept and understanding that provides the balance between individuals in the whole community. Justice is also the attainment of human rights and the free life itself. Justice guarantees everyone’s right to equal life in society. A durable system and laws are essential to secure justice. This system should serve the interests of society, not the interests of the state. Judges should be honest to achieve equality in society.”

“The laws enacted for women defend their rights”

Welae also spoke about the laws of women.

“Many laws have been enacted and put into effect for women. But the most discussed laws were about polygamy, child marriage, and betrayal in marriage. After discussions, the articles of these laws were determined. In the beginning, we faced difficulties and obstacles for these laws, particularly the laws about polygamy and child marriage, because our society is still under the influence of that old traditional mentality. These laws were new since our society was based on tribe and religion. There are still difficulties and obstacles but we can say that these laws are mostly accepted by society. In order to ensure social justice and to change the reactionary mentality, our council should struggle against this mentality. Our duty is to fight against the dirty mentality against women’s lives and to build a life based on the Democratic Nation.”

Problems and their solution methods

Speaking about the problems and their solution methods, Welae said:

“The Women’s Council for Social Justice doesn’t handle the problems in society directly. The Peace Committee and Women’s House handle the problems of civilians. People apply to us when they face problems such as problems of debt, rights violations, and partition of lands. Our council works coordinately with the Mala Jin (Women’s House), Peace Committee, and the Court of Justice to solve all the problems of society.”

“Women secure justice”

Emphasizing that women secure and build justice, Welae said, “For thousands of years, women organized society on the basis of social morality. Women secured and built justice. Unfortunately, after the building of the capitalist system, justice was taken away from women and removed from natural life. The cause of women is clear; they want to take their rights back and to change the patriarchal mindset. Society falls with the fall of women and develops with the development of women. Women must be liberated if a free and democratic society is wanted to be built. Women needed a council struggling for women’s rights. The Women’s Council for Social Justice works especially for women because women understand each other better. Women have played a big role and have proven themselves about social justice and they have struggled to secure freedom and justice.”

Yekitiya Star changed its name to Kongra Star to be the umbrella organization for all people from all nations in NE Syria after holding its 6^th congress on February 25, 2016. Kongra Star organizes itself through 12 committees and it has representation offices in Federal Kurdistan Region, Lebanon, and Europe. Kongra Star is ideologically based on Democratic Confederalism. Riham Loqo, the coordination member of the Kongra Star in Rojava, spoke to NuJINHA about their activities.

Thousands of women take part in works

Yekitiya Star changed its name to Kongra Star after holding its 6^th congress in Rimelan, Qamishlo on February 25, 2016. In 2016, Kongra Star had 10 committees. “We have formed communes in villages and neighborhoods to reach all women and families. As Kongra Star, we organize ourselves through communes. We also formed our special assemblies. We have offices across Rojava Kurdistan.  Sovereigns didn’t allow women to take part in the social sphere. Women were told their place was their homes. As Kongra Star, we thought about how we could revive women’s history in the Revolution in Rojava. We wanted to leave our mark in the revolution. And we began to take part in every sphere of life. We can say that women have great power in defense units. Thousands of women are members of asayish, self-defense forces, and YPJ. Women of NE Syria become role models with their works.

Training programs change the mindset

Stating that they aim to reach more women through the Education Committee, Rihan Loqo said, “We wanted to fix our society through education. We wanted to reintroduce the science and works of women through education. We wanted to tell the truth about women through education. We told how the free co-life, the democratic family model should be. In addition, the science of women is revived by Jineology. We want to increase the level of women’s science through education. Leader Apo used to say ‘what is asked from you is education’. For this reason, we wanted to remove the patriarchal mentality that has been imposed on society through education for millennia.  We can build the Democratic Nation among the peoples through the Education Committee. Education Committee spreads the ideology of the Democratic Nation among the peoples. The committee has already reached to many women through the academy, communes, and assemblies.”

They empower women’s economy

Indicating that the Economy Committee aims to empower women’s economy, Rihan Loqo continued to talk as follows: “One of the issues that Kongra Star focusing on is women’s economy. People thought women couldn’t take part in the economy. We formed the Economy Committee to empower women’s economy. When we talk about matriarchal society, agriculture draws our attention. Women used to live in nature with air, rain, and earth. Women are a part of nature. We develop the community economy through cooperatives. Our aim is to spread the sharing culture not to make money. We build an equal society by empowering women’s economy. There is no lower or upper class in our system. Since the beginning of the revolution, cooperatives have carried out projects for women. The most important thing is that women develop their own projects and they benefit from them.”

“We introduced the revolution to the world”

Underlining that the Diplomacy Committee has protected the achievements of women gained by the women’s revolution, Rihan Loqo said, “It introduces resistance and struggle based on equality. We show the world the women’s struggle against violence and domination. The revolution in NE Syria is the revolution of sacrifices and heroism. The Diplomacy Committee has introduced the 10-year-old revolution all around the world. We want to make the revolution permanent through the Diplomacy Committee.”

Natural healing methods

Stating that the Health Committee has developed and organized women in health services, Rihan Loqo said, “We have produced medicines using herbs. In the past, women used to collect herbs to make medicines. After the establishment of the states, chemical drugs began to be used. We want all medicines used by women to be natural to protect them. The committee has held seminars and workshops to give information to women about their health. Women learn how they can protect themselves and their families. Women should protect themselves from all diseases.”

They make nature green

Noting that the Ecology Committee focuses on everything including water, people, nature, soil, and plants, Rihan Loqo said, “The aim of this committee is to build an ecological society. Sovereigns attack nature and don’t allow trees to be planted in NE Syria. The reason we formed the Ecology Committee is to introduce ecology to society. We make nature green. We want to build our country with the spirit of ecology.”

Women organize in press

Pointing out that the Press Committee is the voice of women in NE Syria, Riham Loqo said, “Leader Apo says that the history of women should be written by women. We have shown the truth of women to everyone through the press. Women have shown the women’s resistance to everyone by themselves. After the revolution, radio stations, magazines, channels, and news agencies were founded.”

People’s culture has been revived

Expressing that the Culture and Art Committee has revived the culture of history, language, clothing, truth, lorin, and dengbêj, Riham Loqo added, “The Culture and Art Committee has enlightened society. There were many tales and stories that were about to disappear. The committee has carried out studies on these tales and stories. Many of these tales and stories have been documented by the committee.”

It finds solutions to problems

Speaking about the Law and Justice Committee, Riham Loqo said, “NE Syria has gone through a historical and sensitive period. Women have been oppressed due to war and special war policies. In 2013, women established principles. Polygamy, child marriage, and bride exchange were banned. We have principles against all forms of violence. The committee has held seminars and meetings to find solutions to problems in society. We protect women by laws and principles.”

Social change has been created

Stating that the Women’s House deals with all the problems in society, Riham Loqo said, “The Women’s House resolves issues of equality and peace in society. It deals with not only women’s issues but also all problems in society. When there is a problem between the two genders, the members of the Women’s House listen to two parts to find a solution. We want to build democratic families so we have organized seminars and workshops to raise awareness of the public. We think we have created a social change because families don’t force their children into marriage now.”

Stating that the 21st century will be the year of women, Riham Loqo said that Kongra Star is the house of women’s science and that women who want can take part in Kongra Star.

“We have organized everywhere”

Reporting that Kongra Star has existed in Shehba, Euphrates, and Cizre regions, Riham Loqo said, “We have dozens of assemblies and offices in these regions. We have also organized in Aleppo and Damascus. We have representation offices in Federal Kurdistan Region, Lebanon, and Europe. Women show great participation in all activates based on the Democratic Nation system.”

Part 4: “The way to reach the truth is education”

“The way to reach the truth is education” Koçer Hisen, the spokesperson of the Education Committee of Rojava Kongra Star, says that the way to build an equal and free life in society is through education.

Koçer Hisen, the spokesperson of the Education Committee of Rojava Kongra Star, says that the way to build an equal and free life in society is through education.

Education plays a significant role in society. If a society wants to obtain its vital rights, it can do it through education. Education is as vital to people like bread and water. Kongra Star’s Education Committee also keeps the revolution alive in every part of life through education. It aims to pass down the achievements of the revolution from generation to generation through education.

After the revolution in Rojava, Kurdish schools, institutes, and universities were opened. These are among the achievements of the women’s revolution. We spoke to Koçer Hisen, spokesperson of the Education Committee of Rojava Kongra Star, about their works.

“Education creates change and transformation”

Stating Education Committee is responsible to solve the problems experienced in society through education, Koçer Hisen said, “One of our duties is to protect ourselves and our history. We should first ask ourselves “Who are we?” We can solve the problems we face as a society through education. We also solve problems we face about culture, which is being attracted by capitalist modernity every day. We can build a free and equal life through education. We need to research every word and uncover the truth that exists. Building a free and equal life without education is impossible. Education is essential in the organization of society. Education creates change and transformation. We struggle against patriarchal mindset through education.”

Education Committee formed in 2016

Reporting that the Education Committee of the Kongra Star was formed in 2016, Koçer Hisen said, “After the Revolution in Rojava, Kurdish schools, institutes, and universities were opened. Our aim is to inform the public about the wrongs and show them the truth. The Education Committee has members and offices across NE Syria. We have organized ourselves through communes and assemblies.”

They become stronger as they learn

Underlining that they provide education programs to institutions, organizations, and academies, Koçer Hisen said, “We provide education programs according to the needs of communes, institutions, and academies. We provide education programs to all people. We organize Jineology workshops to give information about the history of women. We place emphasis on the Democratic Nation paradigm in our programs. The Democratic Nation is the solution to all problems. Women become stronger as they learn more about their history.”

Education for everybody

Indicating that they have provided education programs to everybody in society, such as children, young people, and elders, Koçer Hisen continued to talk as follows: “Children are our future. We enable them to learn about their history, culture, and existence through education. Young people are the energy of society. They can transform their energy to the right place through education. Elders are our history. We teach them new things while learning from them. We provide education programs to people of all ages but our main duty is to educate women. Women learn their reality through education. We also provide education programs for men at the academies. We plan to start an education phase for men in the coming days.”

“We can overcome the problems through education”

Noting that there are academies across NE Syria and they continue to open academies according to the need of society, Koçer Hisen said, “We provide education programs on free co-life, the Democratic Nation, criticism, self-criticism, jineology, women’s history, expression, and rhetoric. The people attending our education programs are easily aware of their problems and share them with us. We can overcome the problems through education.”

Mala Jin (Women’s House, a kind of women’s shelter) was first opened in Qamishlo. Now, it has 62 branches across northeastern Syria. It has become a space of hope and solution for women in the region and a role model for the whole world.

Women of Rojava began to organize themselves under the umbrella of Yekitiya in 2004. After the July 19th Revolution, they established many organizations and institutions. One of these institutions is Mala Jin, which manages to be the voices of women facing challenges. Mala Jin (Women’s House, a kind of women’s shelter) was first opened in Qamishlo. All members and employees of the Mala Jin are mothers. They support and help women facing problems and violence. NuJINHA spoke to the members and employees of the Mala Jin to learn more about their activities.

The revolution led by women

One of the nations that have been deprived of their rights for centuries is the Kurdish people. The Kurdish people have always been subjected to the oppression and cruelty of the governments. The Sykes–Picot Agreement divided Kurdistan into four parts. Eastern, Northern and Western Kurds were left alone against the assimilation policies. However, before the governments achieved these goals, they faced the resistance and struggle of the Kurdish people. The Kurdish people living in Rojava succeeded in turning the Arab Spring into the revolution in Rojava. The people of Rojava, who lived under the pressure of the Baathist regime for decades, were able to realize the July 19th Revolution led by women.

Kurds did not accept surrender

The ruling powers used many armed factions such as Al-Nusra, Ahrar al-Sham, Sultan Murad Division and lastly ISIS in order to end the revolution of women and peoples. While these factions attacked the achievements of the revolution, they abducted, killed and raped women and carried out mass massacres against the civilians. Despite everything, the Kurds never accepted surrender and fought these factions. This spark grew and spread to Manbij, Tabka, Raqqa and finally Deir ez-Zor where mostly the Arabs live. Thanks to the revolution of women and peoples, Arabs, Kurds, Turkmens, Assyrians, and Armenians organize themselves today around the Democratic Modernity Project presented by Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan.

Society can be liberated through the liberation of women

The problems faced by women are the source of all problems broken out in all societies. The situation of women in their society reflects the society itself because society can be liberated through the liberation of women. Women used to be the source of life because they defended the equal, participatory, fair and communal life in society. However, the dominant, sly and tricky patriarchal mentality stole the roles of women in their societies and deprived them of all their rights. When the rights of women were stolen from them, the social structure was completely broken down and the nation state thinking only of its own interests took to the stage. The destruction of societies began with the enslavement of women. For this reason, women should break the chains of slavery in order for the society to have willpower again. Women should play their leading role in their societies to rebuild an equal and fair life.

Establishment of Mala Jin

Mala Jin was established in Qamishlo on March 20, 2011. It has many branches across North and East Syria now. It aims to stand against inhuman practices faced by women and children with the philosophy of equal society, democratic family culture and free-equal life by carrying out awareness-raising activities. It carries out its activities in cooperation with women’s committees in the region.

It has 62 branches

Mala Jin has a Peace Assembly, Education Committee, Justice Assembly, Press Committee to support women and children. It has 62 branches across northeastern Syria. While organizing under the umbrella of the Kongra Star, Mala Jin carries out activities to seek solutions to the problems of society and women. It has 11 branches in Qamishlo Canton, 10 in Hasakah Canton, four in Afrin Canton, eight in Kobanê, two in Raqqa, five in Manbij, six in Deir ez-Zor, 11 in Tabqa and a branches in the Zorava neighborhood of Damascus, the capital of Syria. Mala Jin also has two branches to solve the problems faced by Syriac women.

Membership Terms

Membership applications to Mala Jin were sent to all branches of Mala Jin in North and East Syria. The applications are also evaluated by the Autonomous Administration and civil institutions. Those who want to be a member of Mala Jin must know their communities and want to serve for their communities. They should submit their applications giving information about themselves to Mala Jin. They should be over 18. When their applications are approved, they should receive training courses held by the Scientific Academy.

Organizational structure of Mala Jin

All members of the Peace Committee and women’s committees are also the members of the Mala Jin. All members of the Peace Committee are also council members of the Mala Jin. The council members who received the most votes are also spokespersons of the Mala Jin’s branches in their cantons. Three council members are elected by Mala Jin.

Weekly and monthly meetings

Mala Jin is responsible for controlling the works of the committees. The members of the Mala Jin prepare a monthly report on their actions, activities and financial situation. The members hold weekly and monthly meetings to discuss the activities of Mala Jin. The committees affiliated to the Mala Jin hold a meeting every week. All members of the Mala Jin hold a meeting every week and submit their reports to the council members.

Social Peace Committee

The Peace Committee is responsible for finding solutions to all problems faced by women. A representative of Mala Jin monitors/ follows the trials about women held by courts.

Education Committee

The Education Committee is responsible for organizing educational programs and courses for women. It holds seminars on women’s rights and activities.

Press Committee

The Press Committee is responsible for documenting and archiving all activities carried out by the Mala Jin. It documents the applications submitted to Mala Jin. It publishes all decisions, statements made by the Mala Jin on their website.

Women’s Social Committee

The Women’s Social Committee is responsible for monitoring the situation of women in all communes. It carries out awareness-raising activities for people with disabilities. It works coordinately with the committees of Kongra Star in order to support women and meet their needs.

Women’s Justice Council

The Women’s Justice Council works coordinately with all institutes and organizations of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria to ensure justice. A representative of Mala Jin takes part in the Women’s Justice Council to solve unresolved cases.

Mala Jin “Eşterot” for Syriac women

Two branches of Mala Jin were opened in Hasakah and Qamishlo under the name of “Eşterot” for Syriac women with the support of the Autonomous Administration and Women’s Justice Council in order to raise awareness of Syriac women and solve their family problems.

Part Two Îlham Omer: When we started, we were three women but now there are thousands of women

Stating that Mala Jin aims to ensure democracy and equality, Cizîre Region Mala Jin Board member Îlham Omer said, “We founded Mala Jinê as three women, now thousands of women work for it.”

Great developments have been taking place in North and East Syria since the revolution in Rojava was realized. The Kurdish women managed to turn the revolution in Rojava into the women’s revolution. Today, the Kurdish women lead the Democratic Modernity system presented by Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan. Mala Jin has been playing an important role in the development of the revolution so that women can protect their own identity. Today, women all around the world are inspired by the women’s revolution in Rojava. NuJINHA spoke to Îlham Omer, one of the founders of Mala Jin.

“There was a great need for the establishment of Mala Jin”

Stating that Mala Jin was established in 2011, Îlham Omer said, “The revolution was realized in Rojava Kurdistan and we carried out activities for both the revolution and society. There was a great need for the establishment of Mala Jin in society. Mala Jin was first established in Qamishlo because there were opportunities in the city to establish it. There were conflicts and clashes across Syria and people flocked to our region because it was a safe place for them. We felt the need to create a space for women.”

“We have 62 branches in northeastern Syria”

Indicating that Mala Jin has 62 branches in northeastern Syria, she said, “After opening Mala Jin in Qamishlo, we opened its branches across Rojava Kurdistan. After the liberation of Manbij, Tabka, Raqqa and Deir ez-Zor from ISIS, we opened branches in these cities. Two branches of Mala Jin were opened for Syriac women under the name of “Eşterot”. We have a branch in a refugee camp for women refugees in camps.”

“We have committees”

Underlining that Mala Jin has its own charter and program, she said, “We carry out our activities through our committees; Peace Committee, Education Committee, Justice Committee and Press Committee. The Court of Justice was founded in 2011 and our Peace Committee works coordinately with the Court of Justice. We can say that the people trust Mala Jin after they get to know more about Mala Jin. Today, even men apply to Mala Jin when they face problems. They seek solutions for their problems by applying to Mala Jin.”

“Mala Jin is a role model for the whole world”

Stating that the Women’s Justice Council was established in 2016, she said, “After the establishment of the council, it started raising awareness all around the world. Thousands of people all around the world have visited our region to learn more about our system.  The women of the Peace Committee, Women’s Justice Council and Mala Jin often come together to discuss and find solutions to the problems faced by women in the region. Mala Jin is a role model for the whole world now.”

“There is equality and justice in Mala Jin”

Emphasizing that they do their best to find solutions to the problems faced by women, Îlham Omer said, “Mala Jin works to solve the problems faced by women, children, men and families. We carry out awareness-raising activities for both women and men because there is equality and justice in Mala Jin.”

“Mothers work for Mala Jin”

Speaking about why all members and employees of the Mala Jin are mothers, she said, “In the Middle East, old people are always respected. Mothers work for Mala Jin so that the society sees Mala Jin as an important and respected organization. When we have new members, the mothers carry out activities to educate the new members. Mothers have more experiences and they find solutions to the social problems with their experiences. Our people listen to old people with respect. But old people should be open to changes. In time, we adapt to changes. After the women’s law was enacted in 2014, we learned very well how to approach women’s problems. The women’s law defends gender equality.”

“We saved 56 women in 2021”

Speaking about the smear campaigns against Mala Jin, Îlham Omer said, “We faced a smear campaign trying to show Mala Jin as a divorce house. Our response to such smear campaigns is that Mala Jin is a training center for both women and men. As Mala Jin, we have been subjected to many threats and rumors, but we have resisted all these challenges. In 2021, we saved 56 women from committing suicide and being killed. As the women’s movement, we have a principle; wherever we go, we set up and run our own system. All cases brought to Mala Jin end with the consent of both parties. Our aim is not only to heal wounds but also to raise awareness of the public.”

“Mala Jin was awarded in France”

Recalling that Mala Jin was awarded in France, Îlham Omer said, “Women have taken great steps in Rojava Kurdistan because they were mothers, sisters, wives and friends. Women have led the revolution in Rojava and achieved great gains. Mala Jin was awarded in France and this shows how we are successful. Women from different countries came to our region, they were impressed when they learned our system. We were told that they want to build this system in their countries.”

They fight child marriage and polygamy

“We have found solutions to many problems,” Îlham Omer said, “However, the rate of child marriage and polygamy has been increasing. We have carried out awareness-raising activities to end child marriage and polygamy.” 

“Thousands of women work for Mala Jin”

Stating that many developments have taken place after the revolution in Rojava, she said, “One of these developments is the establishment of Mala Jin. Many journalists, researchers and politicians visit Mala Jin and they are impressed by the works of Mala Jin. We founded Mala Jinê as three women, now thousands of women work for it. After the Deir ez-Zor region was liberated from ISIS, Arab women flocked to Mala Jin and asked us to find solutions to their problems.”

“Mala Jin is a space for women”

Calling on women to visit Mala Jin to find solutions to the problems faced by them, Îlham Omer said, “Mala Jin is a space for women to find solutions to the problems faced by them. We call on all women living in Rojava to take steps to liberate themselves and to liberate society without fear. We work coordinately with Kongra Star and mothers of all women.”

Part 3 “Women are the basis of justice”

Indicating that the Women’s Justice Council working coordinately with Mala Jin has resolved hundreds of cases, Henîfe Mihemed said,” Women are the basis of justice. Justice and equality cannot be ensured without women.

The Women’s Justice Council working coordinately with Mala Jin solves unresolved cases relating to women. The council plays an important role in society and aims to ensure democracy and equality in society. Since its establishment, it has resolved hundreds of cases and become a key for resolving social problems. In 2021, the council resolved 169 cases relating to women. And it has resolved 302 cases in the last four months. NuJINHA spoke to Henîfe Mihemed, a member of the Qamishlo Women’s Justice Council, about the activities of the council.

The Women’s Justice Council was established in 2016

Stating that women’s works started under the umbrella of Yekîtiya Star, Henîfe Mihemed said, “When the Syrian crisis started and the revolution took place in Rojava Kurdistan, the need to establish social justice arose. So, women established the Women’s Justice Council in order to resolve social problems. Women are most affected by wars, conflicts and clashes. For this reason, we first established Mala Jin to find solutions to the problems faced by women. Then, we established the Women’s Justice Council in 2016 to protect women’s rights. The council is an independent organization and women make decisions about all issues. They make decisions about themselves and find solutions to the problems faced by them.”

“Women are the basis of justice”

Underlining that the council aims to ensure gender equality in society, she said, “Women are the basis of justice. For this reason, justice and equality cannot be ensured without women. With the emergence of sovereigns, women were left without a role and justice in society. The existing laws serve the existing system. We established the Women’s Justice Council with the motto, ‘Justice cannot be ensured without women’. Because women form the basis of society since they are the architects of justice, equality, culture and ethics. Equality cannot be ensured without them. Women are the meaning of life and they lead their societies with their existence. However, the existing system is the men’s system. That’s why people suffer from problems and inequality. The problems are created by men themselves. The most challenging thing for us is the patriarchal mentality in society.”

Women’s Justice Council and Mala Jin

Speaking about the relationship between Mala Jin and the Women’s Justice Council, Henîfe Mihemed said, “Mala Jin is part of justice. Mala Jin, Women’s Justice Council and Peace Assembly work coordinately with each other. Mala Jin works to resolve problems faced by women and when it cannot find any solutions to problems, it transfers the cases to the Women’s Justice Council. Mala Jin documents all cases and submits its report to the council. Then, the council resolves the problems. We determine our members.”

“It has saved hundreds of women from being killed”

Talking about the role of women in ensuring social justice, she said, “We have courts ruling about the cases. The people feel comfortable in courts. Many women and men apply to Mala Jin to find solutions to their problems. Women are also mothers so they always make fair decisions. Mala Jin has saved hundreds of women from being killed. Mala Jin works coordinately with all women’s organizations.”

“Thousands of cases have been resolved”

Speaking about the cases unsolved by Mala Jin, she said, “Mala Jin sends us reports about the unsolved cases. Most of the cases sent to us are social cases and the council launches investigations into these cases in order to make fair decisions. As women’s rights defenders, we have resolved thousands of cases until now. If a woman is subjected to violence, the women’s movement sends her to the women’s shelter. Then, Mala Jin protects her. We have archived the files of solved cases.”

“The problems have decreased but not ended”

Indicating that they have carried out many awareness-raising activities, she said, “In the past, the biggest problem in society was social media. Many young people were deceived on social media platforms. So, we launched a campaign to raise awareness of the public against the danger on social media platforms. In addition, the number of child marriage, polygamy and femicide case have been increasing. We have carried out awareness-raising activities to eliminate these phenomena. We have organized training programs and seminars according to the needs of society.”

“We aim to raise awareness of women”

Giving information about the seminars to be organized this year, she said, “We will organize seminars about women’s rights, free co-life, gender-based violence and women’s political participation. We will visit every house to raise awareness of women about their rights. Now, we suffer from a crisis and this crisis affects the whole society.” Henîfe Mihemed added that all women should seek their reality and said, “The women facing challenges should know that there are many women’s organizations and institutions supporting them. There are 62 Mala Jin branches across northeastern Syria and they can apply to them. We aim to develop our society and raise awareness of women.”

Part 4 Mala Jin plays an important role in all regions of North and East Syria.

Mala Jin members spoke to NuJINHA about their activities.

The Peace Council is the solution space for women and social problems. It is one of the achievements of the 2011 revolution. It plays an important role in society since it resolves disagreements in society. It also has an important role in communes. The members of the council consist of old people. One of the aims of the Peace Council and Mala Jin is to resolve the problems faced by women and society. The council was established to ensure peace, democracy and equality in society. Qamishlo Peace Council member Recih Salîh spoke to NuJINHA about the activities of the council.

“The main aim is to resolve problems”

Speaking about the aims of the Peace Council, Recih Salîh said, “The main aim of the Peace Council and Mala Jin is to resolve problems in society. Mala Jin, Women’s Justice Council and Peace Council work coordinately with each other to resolve the problems faced by women and society. When people apply us to resolve their problems, we try to understand the problems by listening to them. The council has both women and men members. When a woman asks for a safe space, she is directed to Mala Jin. We try to resolve problems between spouses, neighbors, siblings, and father-children. We listen to both parties and try to resolve the problems because one of our aims is to ensure equality in society. But we can say that 90% of women do not have any rights. The women’s revolution is the hope of women to achieve their rights. We never say that women should be superiors to men. We aim to ensure gender equality. We do not only build houses but also society. We aim to ensure equality and freedom for the whole society. When I demand equality, freedom and democracy at home, my children and grandchildren will also demand them.”

“Education is important to ensure equality”

Behiye Mûrad, a board member of Mala Jin, spoke to us about the role of the Education Committee in Mala Jin. She told us, “Education plays an important role in institutions and organizations of the Autonomous Administration. The Education Committee organizes educational programs for all institutions and organizations. Education is very important for Mala Jin. We both educate ourselves and other people. Mala Jin holds educational courses in cooperation with the Education Committee. We resolve social problems through education. We first educated ourselves in order to educate our society. As leader Apo (Abdullah Öcalan) said, education is more important than bread and water. Mala Jin aims to build an equal and common life for both women and men. We organize courses across North and East Syria about the roles of women in society, women’s history and rights. We also hold seminars on special days such as International Women’s Day and International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women. Our society suffers from many problems such as child marriage, polygamy, gender-based violence, bride exchange and forced marriage. We organize awareness-raising activities and training to end them.”

Mala Jin “Eşterot” for Syriac women

A branch of Mala Jin was opened in Qamishlo in September 2019 for Syriac women under the name of “Eşterot”. Eşterot is a space for Syriac women to find solutions to the problems faced by them. We spoke to a member of Eşterot about its activities.

Ayda Melkê, a member of Eşterot in Qamishlo, told us they named the Mala Jin for Syriac women after Ishtar, a Mesopotamian goddess. “In the beginning, the Syriac society did not believe that Eşterot would resolve the problems faced by women. For this reason, we faced challenges. After the people got to know more about the women’s house, women began to apply to us to find solutions to their problems. We had meetings with women to tell them that the women’s house works to protect their rights. The women, who are subjected to violence, apply to us and we do our best to end violence against them and provide a shelter for them. Now, five women work for Eşterot. All our committees work coordinately with each other to support women. Until now, we have resolved many problems. All Syriac women should come to Eşterot to find solutions to their problems because we are here to support them,” Ayda Melkê told us.

Mala Jin is a space for solution

Stating that the duty of Mala Jin is not only find solutions to problems but also carry out awareness-raising activities, Perîşan Reşîd, a member of Mala Jin branch in the Aleppo’s Şêx Maqsûd neighborhood, said, “The branch of Mala Jin was opened in the neighborhood in 2011. Mala Jin has only one branch in Aleppo. The aim of the branch is not only to find solutions to problems but also carry out awareness-raising activities to ensure equality in society. Mala Jin carries out its activities coordinately with communes, councils and committees. We support each other to benefit society and women.”

Mala Jin in Manbij

Speaking about their activities, Îman Hemşo, a member of the Mala Jin branch in Manbij, said, “The branch of Mala Jin was opened in 2016 after Manbij was liberated from ISIS. We have three branches in Manbij in order to reach all women. When men and women apply to us in order to find solutions to their problems, we discuss and try to find solutions to their problems. The discussions sometimes last months. Until now, we have resolved 1,755 cases.”

Mala Jin in Raqqa

Zehra Şilaş, spokesperson of the Justice Committee of the Zenobiya Women’s Community in Raqqa and its villages, told us that the branch of Mala Jin was opened in Raqqa in 2018 after the city was liberated from ISIS. “In 2021, the branch of Mala Jin was transformed into the Zenobiya Women’s Community Office. There are 19 Peace Committees across Raqqa. In addition, the Zenobiya Women’s Community has 20 offices across the city. The main aim of these offices is to find solutions to problems of spouses, particularly to family problems. We find solutions to about 1,080 cases every year. When we do not find any solutions, we send the cases to the Raqqa Court for Social Justice.

Mala Jin in Shahba

Silava Cuma, a member of Mala Jin in Shahba, said, “The branch of Mala Jin was opened in Shahba in 2017 with three members. We faced many challenges when we opened the branch because our canton was under the control of ISIS and other armed factions. Over time, we managed to overcome all challenges. Now, there are many branches across Shahba and women support each other thanks to Mala Jin.”

Mala Jin in Tabqa

Stating that the branch of Mala Jin was opened in Tabqa in 2017, Recae Ebid El-Rehîm, a member of the branch of Mala Jin in Tabqa, said, “Then, seven more branches were opened in rural areas of Tabqa. Our main aim is to find solutions to the problems faced by women and ensure peace.”

“Mala Jin is the power source”

Şaha Elî, a member of the Mala Jin in the Euphrates Region, told us that Mala Jin is both a safe space and the power source for women. “In 2012, the branch of Mala Jin was opened in the Euphrates Region. At that time, many women were subjected to violence and pressure. For this reason, we decided to open a branch in the region. The Mala Jin in the Euphrates Region has been a source of faith and strength for women by providing a safe space for them.”

1. Introduction

The ‘Rojava Revolution’ began exactly ten years ago, on July 19^th 2012, when three predominantly Kurdish-inhabited areas of Syria declared their autonomy from the central government. Since then, a democratic, autonomous administration has attempted to create a grassroots, gender-equal and ecological society in these areas. Communes and councils, the democratic representatives of the population, organize life and administer society. The political model has thus established itself in decided opposition to the old Ba’ath regime. Numerous people within society are involved in a wide variety of local and social activities – from the communes and councils to working in the health sector, the women’s movement or in self-defence structures. 

Rojava has also been synonymous with the war against the Islamic State (ISIS), the occupation of Turkey, overcrowded refugee camps, water shortages, crop failures and widespread poverty. But against the backdrop of an ongoing war, occupation, an embargo due to the Syrian Civil War, and a precarious humanitarian situation that makes basic staples scarce, Rojava has held its ground for ten years. The areas controlled by the democratic ‘Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria’ (AANES) have grown since 2012 and now include a third of Syrian territory and nearly a fifth of its population.

A decade on, the continued existence of North and East Syria (NES) – the more inclusive name of the region, which encompasses Kurdish-majority Rojava and the Arab-majority areas on the banks of the Euphrates – is an achievement in and of itself. In the eleven years since 2011, the Rojava Revolution has remained committed to its former values and consolidated its achievements, even as all other gains of the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ uprisings were squashed or coopted by national governments. This revolution, however imperfect, thus has something to teach the world about staying power.

The Rojava Revolution began ten years ago in Kobane. As a result, an ‘autonomous administration’ was established to manage society based on the values of (direct) democracy, gender liberation and ecology. For ten years, this administration (under different names; see below) has fought off a number of internal and external enemies. In addition to the military, diplomatic and economic disputes with the Syrian government of Bashar al-Assad, it is above all the wars with Turkey and ISIS that threaten the very existence of the region’s political project. Turkey has invaded NES twice since 2016, and continues to occupy large swaths of northern Syria. ISIS was only territorially defeated in 2019, after more than four gruelling years since it was first pushed back during the 2014-2015 Battle for Kobane. Since then, however, ISIS has remained active in NES, staging occasional large attacks, while waging an irregular war of attrition in the Deir ez-Zor region and beyond. It has by no means been defeated.

Despite all these adversities, NES society has continued to establish and develop (relatively) stable political structures. Legal institutions, such as peace committees, have been introduced. These consensus-based bodies are responsible for resolving conflicts and have largely replaced the hierarchical court system common in Western societies. In addition, two social contracts – akin to a local constitution – were adopted in 2014 and 2016, as the product of a collaborative social process during which collective discussions determined which topics would be included. Work on a new social contract, which will better reflect all regions under the AANES umbrella, is currently underway. These social contracts have formalized the already-decentralized decision-making processes in the region and consolidated much of the legislative power of local councils. Many of these changes in NES can be described as a radical democratization of society and life. This, in turn, is changing the way people think and conceive of legal concepts such as law and justice.

(The cantons of Rojava in January 2014)

No doubt, the Rojava Revolution has major achievements under its belt, and its importance (especially for the region, but also beyond) cannot be overstated. However, shortfalls also abound. For outside observers with sympathies for the local political project acknowledging the latter has been difficult. The philosopher Slavoj Žižek, in his convocational lecture at Kobane University in April 2021, stated: “As Kurds, you established an actually existing utopia with an intellectual community. You are a symbol not only to resist but to establish a new order.” ¹ In 2018, the late David Graeber claimed that democratic confederalism in Rojava, “should be considered one of the most important events in recent world history.” ² 

This report – particularly part II – aims to focus on the day-to-day challenges in order to provide an accurate insight into NES’ society ten years after the revolution began. In order to gauge its true achievements – and shortcomings – it will sidestep essentializing and sensationalist discourse, such as was mentioned above, focusing instead on the people in NES and the real-world changes to their lives.

At the same time, with the end of the war against ISIS, Western media and political interest in NES has declined significantly. For many casual observers, the Syrian conflict has turned stale, and other global events, such as the COVID-19 pandemic and the Ukraine War currently dominate public interest. This has led to a lack of interest (by media as well as on the political level) in the developments in NES. This report also seeks to breathe new life into the discussions around ‘Rojava’.

This report is divided into two parts. The first discusses the history of the Rojava Revolution, as well as the difficulties and threats that NES has faced since then. In addition, this part will cover the institutions that form the basis of this new Syrian reality. The second part will provide a more detailed look at the present social relations in NES. Focusing on a handful of social fields, this report will measure the developments of the revolution – ten years on. In particular, this report will focus on the subjects of the legal system, healthcare and the political economy. Finally, the second part of this report seeks to look into the future. What opportunities and risks do the people who live in NES see? Which developments do they wish for, which do they consider likely – against the background of permanent threats of war – and how do they prepare for them?

2. History of the Rojava Revolution

On March 15^th 2011, peaceful protests against the authoritarian regime of President Bashar al-Assad, and the government’s brutal reaction, were the catalyst for Syria’s Civil War. In the course of the war, the country disintegrated into areas controlled either by Assad’s government, different opposition groups – mainly the Free Syrian Army (FSA) – or jihadists. During the turmoil of the civil war, on the night of July 18^th 2012, armed Syrian Kurds took control of the roads leading into and out of the city of Kobane, in northern Syria. “The Kurdish forces rejected a request by the Free Syrian Army and told them that they [the Kurds] can control their own areas,” Hussein Kochar, a PYD official said at that time.³ Concurrently, civilians in the city besieged and captured all state institutions in the city. Finally, a crowd gathered in front of the city’s Syrian Arab Army (SAA) military base. A popular delegation to the armed force demanded that they hand over their weapons but guaranteed safe passage. Faced with a hopeless situation, the soldiers agreed. Later, some of the soldiers returned to their families across the country, while another group stayed on to prevent the city from falling into the hands of the FSA. Unbeknownst to most attendees, they had been witnesses to the birth of the Rojava Revolution.

From Kobane, the uprising spread to other Kurdish-majority cities across northern Syria in a matter of days. One day after the Ba’ath government and the SAA were forced out of Kobane, the people also took control over the government institutions in Afrin and Amude, as well as in Derik and the whole Cizîrê (Jazeera) Region on July 21^st. The SAA and Syrian government institutions withdrew from these areas (with the exception of Qamishlo and Heseke) without firing so much as a shot. Faced with an insurgency that sought to topple his government, Assad handed the majority of Syria’s north to the Democratic Union Party (Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat; PYD), a Syrian-Kurdish party with an ideology of local autonomy, rather than full-fledged independence. 

In these regions, military posts were encircled, and the few remaining SAA troops were forced to surrender. Police buildings were quickly cleansed of the emblems of the old state, and important files were confiscated. Civil Defense committees were established and tasked with ensuring the security of the Kurdish-majority regions. Soon, they established the People’s Defense Units (Yekîneyên Parastina Gel; YPG), on July 20^th. On the same day, members of the PYD raised the flag of Kurdistan (‘Alaya Rengîn’) alongside the flag of the PKK on all government buildings in the newly liberated cities.  

The only caveats were the major cities of Qamishlo and Heseke, in the Jazeera region (then the Heseke Governorate). Qamishlo, in particular, proved to be a point of contention. The city is split between a Kurdish majority and large Arab, Assyrian Christian, and Armenian populations. Furthermore, it hosted a major SAA base. For this reason, only neighborhoods in which predominantly or exclusively Kurds lived were taken over by the PYD. The city’s downtown, the border crossing to Turkey, a major base to the north, and the city’s airport remained firmly in the government’s hands. A similar agreement was reached in the city of Heseke, which is split between Kurds and Arabs, and which also hosts a major SAA base on its outskirts.⁴ 

Previous History and Forerunners

How did these events come about? Pervin Yusif, currently the Co-Chair of Qamishlo, spoke to RIC about her experience. Before her current position, she was active in the women’s organization Kongreya Star. She remembers the time before the revolution:

“Back then it was very difficult for us as Kurdish people. Before the revolution we lived like slaves. We were oppressed by the regime. We could not build our own houses and we could not send our children to schools to learn their own language. So, we organized ourselves in a struggle for freedom, for our identity and to be able to speak our own language. We wanted to live according to our own language and our own culture on our own land. The revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt were big inspirations for us. More and more, we saw that our people were the most in need of a change and a revolution. In doing so, it would be possible for everybody to gain basic rights and to become active members in society.” ⁵ 

However, Pervin Yusif also highlights that clandestine self-organization and political structures existed among the Kurdish population in Syria before the revolution. Despite state repression, Kurdish liberation movements had had a strong impact on society. The 2012 revolution was thus able to build on existing structures. In 2003, the PYD was founded as the Syrian offshoot of the PKK, which had operated from Syria and Lebanon until 1998. One year later, in 2004, a city-wide uprising was sparked at a soccer match in Qamishlo. During the game, violent riots broke out between Kurds and visiting Arab spectators, with Syrian government forces coming to the aid of the latter. “The sobering lesson realized by the Syrian Kurds in the aftermath of the violent crackdown on the Qamishlo uprising was that they needed to form their own armed defence units. However, the Kurds as hitherto a comparatively weak minority in the country, would not be able to induce significant changes in the absence of major transformations first taking place in the broader conditions of the Syrian security state.”⁶ Relatively unexpectedly, Syria was struck by such cross-societal anti-government protests in 2011. During the course of this uprising, the Kurdish youth were quick to organize, forming local committees to coordinate efforts with anti-government activists elsewhere in Syria. For example, the Union of Kurdish Youth Coordination Committees took the lead in the protest movement across Kurdish cities, reaching out to youth groups in the cities of Damascus and Homs in order to unify their political demands. ⁷ Nevertheless, Kurds in Afrin, Kobane, and Jazeera quickly shifted to stressing regional concerns in their protests.

Syrian state control over the region vanished in July 2012. It remains debatable to this day whether the retreat of the Syrian Army was a planned handover between the PYD and the government of Assad or an inevitable withdrawal. The weakness of the central government at that time was, however, undeniable. The abandonment of the region’s rich oil fields, to be harnessed by the new administration and the extracted oil sold back to the central government, suggests this was an involuntary retreat.

As a result of this revolution, a democratic autonomy project was proclaimed. In January 2014, the three Kurdish-majority cantons of Cizîrê, Kobane and Afrin declared their autonomy from the Syrian government. After the collapse of state control, a coalition of Kurdish parties, non-Kurdish groups and organizations, created a transitional alternative administration for the region, based on local councils, which were set up in most cities of northern Syria. Its tasks were the distribution of food and fuel, as well as organizing education, self-defence and justice. The existing infrastructure (water, waste collection etc.) also had to be maintained. Within a few months, there was a functioning council system set in place based on this idea of an autonomous administration. ⁸ Popular organizations prevented acts of revenge and destruction, protecting the still intact infrastructure. Former state buildings that people were not allowed to enter were transformed into so-called ‘People’s Houses’, cultural centers and educational institutions. A precondition to the implementation of these ideas of democratic autonomy was rallying the local population, Pervin Yusif told RIC.

“The first thing that was important to us, was to reach unity among the people. This was the most important thing. The regime tried to divide the different people from each other: Syrians, Arabs, Kurds. Kurds against themselves, Kurds against Arabs. The regime created a situation where the different people were in a war-situation with each other – even within the groups. So before building up councils and communes, as a basis, we needed for different people to come together, trust and believe each other – and love each other. […] To begin our work, this unity of the people was necessary. We built up all the other institutions where people could come together and have a shared common space, and ensure all other works, on that basis.”⁹ 

Military Defense, Consolidation and Expansion

The administration succeeded comparatively quickly in building its own institutions, maintaining public life and creating trust among the population. The PYD-led administration also paid the salaries of all YPG fighters and thus provided a valuable source of income for a large part of the population during a time of economic hardship. In addition, the administration had its own civil servants that provided rudimentary government-like services.

The PYD, which adopted many of the PKK’s strategies, introduced several measures in order to protect women from abuse, protect their rights, and ensure greater gender inclusion and equality. For example, a gender balance was introduced to all structures of the administration in the area: The practice that at least 40% of all members of all institutions should be women, and the practice of co-leadership positions shared between a man and a woman in all administrative bodies, including the PYD-leadership. This also led to the establishment of the women-only Women’s Protection Units (Yekîneyên Parastina Jin; YPJ) militia on April 4^th 2013. 

The YPG/YPJ’s ability to provide real security for the civilian population led to significant popular support. In fierce battles between 2012 and 2014, the militia succeeded in bringing several border towns under its control and proved to be the most effective force at controlling territory and defending Kurdish areas from the growing threat of armed extremist militias. In March 2013, the YPG/YPJ took control of the oil fields in northeastern Syria, near Rimelan, providing it with an important source of revenue.¹⁰ During the Battle of Sere Kaniye in 2013-2014, the YPG gained even more popularity among the population as a determined and capable defender of the (Kurdish) people.

(YPG fighters during the Operation Wrath of Euphrates, near Raqqa)

During this period, as the three autonomous regions established themselves and developed their institutions, a growing ISIS posed the greatest threat to Rojava’s democratic project. After numerous ISIS military victories, the 2014/2015 battle for Kobane represented a turning point in the war. Simultaneously, the Kurdish militia which defended the city became a global symbol of resistance (the YPJ’s women fighters, in particular, played a prominent role during this battle). ISIS launched an offensive against Kobane on September 15^th 2014, and quickly overran nearly the entire city. With the help of US air support, the YPG/YPJ and its allies fought back for over five gruelling months, eventually driving ISIS out of a Kobane reduced to rubble. The battle was the first decisive defeat of ISIS and led to its withdrawal from the region. It halted their earlier seemingly-unstoppable momentum on the battlefield. Following their success in Kobane, the YPG/YPJ managed to capture the ISIS-held town of Tal Abyad in June 2015, thereby linking the two cantons of Cizîrê and Kobane for the first time. ¹¹

The Kobane campaign elevated the importance of the YPG/YPJ. To solidify the anti-ISIS coalition and attract a broader alliance, in October 2015, at the behest of its US ally, the YPG/YPJ and its allies established the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a multi-ethnic coalition of militias. This alliance became the main ground force in the fight against ISIS.

Later the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC) was founded and elected on December 10th 2015. Both SDF and SDC are committed to the goal of a secular, democratic, and federally-structured Syria. The SDC is a political assembly representing political parties, organizations and different groups (tribes, Yezidis etc.) in North and East Syria. The SDC creates a political framework for the governance of Syria along a decentralized, federal model. It is also the political counterpart to the Autonomous Administration, which takes on more administrative and executive functions. Negotiations with the Syrian government, as well as diplomatic relations with international powers, are generally conducted through the SDC. ¹² 

Subsequent SDF-military operations successfully liberated all ISIS-held areas in eastern Syria, including cities such as Manbij in August 2016 and Raqqa in October 2017 – followed by the battle for the outskirts of Deir ez-Zor as part of SDF’s ‘Al Jazeera Storm’ campaign.

Another important milestone was the high-profile humanitarian rescue of tens of thousands of Yezidis trapped on Mount Sinjar in 2015 as they attempted to flee ISIS’ advance. Since 2014, ISIS fighters were notorious for raping and enslaving thousands of Yezidi women and girls during their rapid advance through northern Iraq.

The final battle with ISIS ended on March 23^rd 2019, when the SDF defeated the caliphate at Baghouz, marking ISIS’ territorial defeat.

All of these actions strengthened the position of the PYD-led and SDF-defended Autonomous Administration as the hegemonic political-military power in northeastern Syria. As their forces advanced into predominantly non-Kurdish areas, YPG/YPJ commanders had anticipated the need to allay local fears that they were subjugating Arabs. The military forces and the autonomous administration, therefore, needed to broaden their appeal to the non-Kurdish population in the heavily mixed areas. To this end, the SDF began forging alliances with insurgent Sunni Arab tribes and non-Muslim groups. As early as October 2013, it formed an alliance with al-Sanadid, an Arab militia affiliated with the Shammar tribe to take control of the strategically important Yarubiyah border crossing and the town of the same name. As a result of such efforts, in 2017, the SDF included some 30,000 Arab fighters, who made up about 60 percent of the SDF. ¹³ Prior to the military operations in Manbij and in Raqqa, civil councils were established in these cities, in which non-Kurdish groups participated, to establish stronger connections with civil society.

The original areas of the three non-contiguous cantons that first declared independence have a Kurdish majority population, but the extended area that these regions now encompass, as well as the regions that most recently became part of NES (Manbij, Tabqa, Raqqa and Deir ez-Zor) are largely Arab. The SDF’s territorial gains progressively helped the AANES to expand and consolidate its political-military power as a federal system throughout this multi-ethnical and multi-cultural region. The AANES was guided by an ideology propagated by Abdullah Öcalan and his supporters – namely, that of the ‘democratic nation’ – defined by the construction of local community structures, the forging of multi-ethnic cooperation, the promotion and inclusion of women in organizational structures at all levels, the rejection of centralized and hierarchical societal structures, and ideological flexibility for such cross-ethnic cooperation. As of 2018, the SDF controlled about 25 percent of Syria, including territory along the border with Turkey east of the Euphrates River, as well as Syria’s richest oil and gas fields. ¹⁴

Turkey: Threats from the North

Despite these significant victories over ISIS, the SDF was unable to defeat another enemy actor that posed a serious threat to the consolidation of the Autonomous Administration: Turkey. Turkey arguably poses a greater threat to self-rule than ISIS due to its considerable political influence as a political-military partner of the US and the EU. Turkey, which has NATO’s second-largest army, has stated unequivocally that it will not tolerate the emergence of an autonomous Kurdish region in northeastern Syria (similar to the Kurdistan region in Iraq). The abrupt termination of the peace process between the PKK and Ankara in July 2015 also did little to calm the situation between the Kurdish forces in northeastern Syria and Turkey.

Turkey first invaded Syria during its ‘Euphrates Shield’ operation in 2016. Officially, Ankara described the operation as directed against terrorist forces on its borders, though Turkey had been coexisting with ISIS on its border for years. In reality, the occupation served to physically prevent the territorial connection of the Kobane and Afrin cantons. Kurdish fears were confirmed on January 19^th 2018, when Turkey launched the operation ‘Olive Branch’, as the bulk of the SDF was busy fighting ISIS in Deir ez-Zor. Turkish troops and their Syrian allies invaded the Kurdish canton of Afrin in Rojava only after Russian troops withdrew from the region following an agreement with Turkey, revealing the Kurds’ political vulnerability as an unrecognized non-state actor. On March 24^th 2018, Turkey gained full control over Afrin, largely due to their air superiority. Turkey then announced its intention to capture Manbij and Tel Rifaat next – a threat Turkey is currently repeating. The invasion was justified by the need to ward off an alleged “terrorist threat.” Yet Afrin had until this point largely escaped the violence of Syria’s war; its inhabitants posed no threat to Turkey. Several hundred Kurdish civilians were killed in the operation. Turkey subsequently occupied Afrin with little to no international objections.

On October 9^th 2019, Turkey re-launched its invasion of NES under the name of ‘Peace Spring’ with the help of the Syrian National Army (SNA) and other Islamist groups. The invasion followed the US decision to withdraw its troops from Kurdish areas. Turkey justified this invasion in a series of letters to the United Nations, asserting its right to self-defence against a “direct and imminent threat” under Article 51 of the UN Charter and claiming that it “will conduct this operation in support of efforts to ensure the safe and voluntary return of displaced Syrians to their homes.” However, it has become clear that this was merely a pretext for implementing ongoing ethnic cleansing operations in northern Syria targeting the Kurds living there. Thousands of civilians have been forced to flee either to Iraqi Kurdistan or Turkey. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, more than 260,000 Syrians – the vast majority of them Kurds – live in the Iraqi Kurdistan region (as of June 2022). ¹⁵  By the end of October 2019, Turkish forces and the SNA had gained control of an area of 3,800 km², stretching from the town of Tal Abyad to Sere Kaniye, and 25-30 kilometers deep.

(A House bombed by Turkey near Derik, February 22nd 2022)

Turkey’s occupation of Rojava, which is a violation of international law, has been well-documented. As RIC’s own ‘State of the Occupation’ reports documented since the last Turkish military operation ended at the end of 2019, the situation in Afrin and the ‘M4 Strip’ has been marked by hundreds of cases of human rights violations. ¹⁶ These include war crimes such as looting and hostage-taking, appropriation of property and use of civilian homes for military purposes, interrogation of Kurds about their faith and ethnicity by Turkish officials, denial of food or water to Kurdish prisoners, and the forced displacement of civilians of primarily Kurdish origin from the areas of Afrin, Sere Kaniye, and Tal Abyad that are under effective Turkish control. Likewise, kidnappings, murders, and resettlements are part of everyday life for the people, as is the destruction of olive trees, which in many cases are the livelihood of many people, especially in Afrin.

Kurdish women and girls, who are subjected to forced marriage, kidnapping, rape and sexual violence, are particularly affected. Turkish-backed forces have also engaged in the looting and destruction of religious and archaeological sites of great significance. Turkey and its allies have also weaponized water against the Kurdish regions of northern Syria by cutting and restricting water supplies. All this means that the people in Afrin, Sere Kaniye, Tel Halaf, Tal Abyad and elsewhere cannot exercise their right to self-determination under Turkish occupation. Rather, the withdrawal of the Turkish occupation forces from Rojava is a necessary condition for the realization of local self-determination.

Establishment of Democratic Structures and their Consolidation

Central to the Rojava Revolution is the idea of a ‘democratic nation’ and ‘democratic confederalism’ developed by Abdullah Öcalan, the imprisoned leader of the PKK. Critically examining the PKK’s nationalist and Marxist-Leninist past and creatively appropriating, in particular, the writings of American social theorist Murray Bookchin, Öcalan defines ‘democratic confederalism’ as “democracy without a state.” ¹⁷ It is the federation of different ethnic, cultural, religious, intellectual, and economic communities that “can autonomously configure and express themselves as a political unit.” ¹⁷ Öcalan describes his concept as being “open towards other political groups and factions. It is flexible, multicultural, anti-monopolistic, and consensus-oriented. Ecology and feminism are central pillars. In the frame of this kind of self-administration an alternative economy will become necessary.” ¹⁷ This is also emphasized by Berivan Khaled. She is currently Co-Chair of the Executive Council of the AANES, which coordinates the work of the various commissions on health, nature, the economy, and a host of other institutions. Asked about the political-theoretical foundations of her work in NES, she refers directly to Öcalan’s concept:

“The administration is based on the principle of the democratic nation, which means that the rights of all must be protected: including Kurds, Arabs, Syrians, Turkmen and Circassians,” ¹⁸

that is, self-determination and a say for all communities – without state paternalism.

Khaled adds: “how rich the society in North and East Syria is in terms of different groups and beliefs! […] All groups form a mosaic piece in our society.”

‘Democratic confederalism’ is therefore both a political line and a radical but also pragmatic alternative to nationalist solutions. It is a dynamic process of dissolving the state through the self-organization of diverse ethnocultural communities that self-organize in popular councils and communes, systematically replacing the hierarchical and patriarchal authority relations of existing states with horizontal, gender-egalitarian relations of participatory self-government. ‘Democratic confederalism’ is an effort to build a democratic society beyond the state.

TEV-DEM

In 2011, in order to establish this democratic self-administration – together with the constitution of the first communes and councils throughout Rojava – the PYD established an organization that aimed to advance and cement the new ideas of autonomy and democracy in society: the Movement for a Democratic Society (Tevgera Civaka Demokratîk; TEV-DEM). With the help of TEV-DEM, councils for local decision-making and self-administration were established at the various levels of society. On this basis, relatively well-functioning council structures were established within a few months, as war raged in Syria. However, the precise role of TEV-DEM in providing cohesion and direction in the administrative structure of Rojava remained unclear at that time.

Concurrently, communes and councils did not exist in all cities or districts. In particular, there was initially no council structure in districts inhabited mainly by Arabs, Christians and other non-Kurdish groups, as well as in some Kurdish districts that leaned towards the Kurdish nationalist bloc, the Kurdish National Council. The situation was similar in rural areas. 

The council structures emerged in 2011 as a parallel structure to the state, which initially tolerated their existence in order to appease the Kurdish population. However, it is important to emphasize that TEV-DEM did not have to start from scratch. It was based on self-governance structures, including councils, which had been established in Turkey’s Kurdistan region in 2007 within the framework of the Democratic Society Congress – and have an even longer history within society. These councils served as a model and basis for the commune and council movement in northern Syria.

Communes and Councils

In practice, this means the implementation of a decentralized, grassroots approach in the form of a council democracy that puts communes, the smallest unit in the system, at the center and allows them to act autonomously. By allowing them to speak out and directly influence decision-making, politics becomes an integral part of social life. As a project, ‘democratic confederalism’ functions through these units: the communes, the neighborhood, the (sub-)districts, and the regions. The aspect of decentralization is decisive and is also supported by concrete figures. 70% of the total budget in NES goes to the regions, whereas only 30% goes directly to the higher structures of AANES. ¹⁹ 

Democratic control rests with the basic institution of the decentralized and radical democratic system: the commune. It can comprise between a few dozen to over a hundred households, depending on the degree of organization and size – whether in the neighborhoods or villages. These communes manage themselves responsibly and develop solutions for everyday problems, all without the help of state agencies.

“Our system is not a centralized system, it is rather based on the principle of decentralization”, ²⁰ 

is how Berivan Khaled sums up the importance of the communes. These are supposed to spread “from below” and can also emerge within the framework of factories and civil society organizations. This makes them a means of democratizing all social life. They have the right to independent activities, as Berivan Khaled adds: The commune “does not have to turn to higher institutions to make its decisions.” ²⁰ The only condition is that the communes’ decisions must not contradict the essence of the social contract (See below).

The commune meets monthly or fortnightly and all residents are entitled to participate. Each commune has an executive committee, composed of the two co-chairs and additional members from the committees working under the commune – initially the committees on economy, education, health, organizing society, self-defence and a women’s committee. ²¹ Later, this was expanded to include the youth and sports committee, the committee of the families of the martyrs, and the arts and culture committee. At the commune level, not all committees are present in all communes, but the education and self-defence committees are common across all villages and city neighborhoods. Another specific committee is the problem-solving committee or the committee for reconciliation – the purpose of which is to solve the societal problems in the commune. A committee for reconciliation is located in each commune and has the function of assisting in solving problems and disputes between the people. The members of the committee of reconciliation are elected from the members of the commune.

(Meeting of a commune in the city of Qamishlo)

Through the communes and councils, the population could be masters of their own affairs. Although these structures aid in the emancipation of the population, they could not solve all social issues. In particular, there are still difficulties with water and energy supplies. Many problems in NES cannot be solved independently of the state. In addition, there are economic problems among the population caused by the war and the, at times, triple embargos by the Syrian state, Turkey, and the Iraqi Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). These difficulties have not disappeared even after ten years and will likely continue plaguing the region for the foreseeable future. Likewise, there is no uniform implementation of the community structures or day-to-day participation of the population. Experiences vary widely, from impeccably-functioning communes, with regular meetings and a working council structure, to less active communes with unclear responsibilities, opening hours and missing structures. Political structures can only achieve as much as the people populating them are willing to do (or, rather, are able to do in the face of war, embargos and widespread poverty).

If an issue exceeds the capacity of the commune, it goes to the neighborhood, (sub-)district and then to the region. The neighborhood councils comprise recallable delegates that are sent from various communes. On average, a neighborhood council will comprise seven to thirty communes, depending on the size of the population in that area. The next level is the district, which usually contains a city as well as the surrounding villages. Unlike the commune, which is built on direct participation, these levels are representative institutions. Representative delegates function as mouthpieces for the decisions made at the commune level.

The Role of Women

Women in particular have achieved a great deal through the commune and council system in NES. They played and still play an important role in the organization of the commune and have a very important function in the reconciliation committees, in particular. Their status and the social roles they play have transformed through the active participation of women in public life. In addition, violence against women is – for the most part – no longer tolerated, and the communes and committees actively support women and men in cases of (domestic or family) violence to solve these problems. In particular, reconciliation committees provide support in such cases. In addition, there are new legal foundations. For example, women can now only file inheritance lawsuits and claim their inheritance rights, which were previously denied to them (especially under conservative community, tribal and religious systems) in favor of the man.

Parallel to the commune and council system, women have their own organizations and institutions. They include assemblies, academies, cooperatives, foundations, associations, parties, etc. The result is a complex network of councils that originally developed as a working practice and changed over time according to perceived local needs (resulting in a fluid situation with regularly-changing names, roles and emerging institutions). One expression of the special importance of the women’s issue was the foundation of Yekîtîya Star, an autonomous women’s organization, in 2005, which is now known as Kongreya Star and serves as an umbrella organization for all women’s empowerment institutions throughout NES. In addition to Kongreya Star, Women’s Houses throughout NES were opened. In theory, every village should have at least one Women’s House. These facilities play an active role in defending, empowering, and liberating women in an attempt to break free from the patriarchal foundations of the state and conservative society.

(International Women’s Day in Qamishlo, March 8^th 2022)

The Autonomous Administration 

While the commune and council structure – even if it is handled very differently at the local level – shows relative stability, there are clear (organizational) differences and developments at the level of self-government in NES. These were primarily due to the territorial changes that have characterized NES since the beginning of its existence. Though the Rojava Revolution started as a Kurdish revolt against central state erasure, it has grown beyond this horizon, transforming its organizational structure as well as its names, which is why a holistic description of the system remains out of reach. RIC offered a longer-form description of NES’ political model as it was in late 2019. ²² A briefer description should suffice here.

The first political structures adopted post-revolution were – as shown above – the autonomous administration of the Kurdish-dominated areas in the district of Cizîrê, Kobane and Afrin, which formed an ‘Interim Transitional Administration’, adopted in 2013. The three cantons also called themselves ‘Autonomous Regions’ or ‘Democratic Autonomous Administration.’

In an attempt to federalize the Administration and expand the model of democratic autonomy to areas newly-liberated and incorporated into the NES, the SDC was founded in December 2015. On March 17^th 2016, an SDC assembly of Kurdish, Assyrian, Arab and Turkmen delegates proclaimed the establishment of a federal system of government as the ‘Democratic Federation of Rojava – Northern Syria’. In December 2016, as Manbij was liberated and the battle for Raqqa stood before, the name was changed once again to the ‘Democratic Federation of Northern Syria’ – ‘Rojava’ was officially dropped. Here, again, the SDC was the highest legislative assembly and ensured the right of the people to establish democratic autonomous administrations and aimed at unifying all groups under the democratic federalism of North and East Syria. As of September 6th 2018, the SDC adopted the current official name for the region, renaming it the ‘Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria’ (AANES), sometimes translated as the ‘Self-Government of North and East Syria’. This encompasses the Euphrates (the former Kobane canton, including Tel Abyad, Sarrin, and Ayn Issa), and Cizîrê (Jazira) Regions, as well as the local civil councils of Raqqa, Manbij, Tabqa, and Deir ez-Zor Regions. The Afrin canton, on the other hand, remained under occupation by Turkish forces, though AANES institutions also exist in Shehba, southeast of Afrin, and in the majority-Kurdish neighborhoods of Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiye in Aleppo.

These changes are indicative of the increasingly multi-ethnic composition of the population and a move away from Kurdish designations, such as Rojava – an effect due in large part to the territorial changes that have taken place in recent years as a result of the ongoing war against ISIS. The fight against the jihadist terrorist group has claimed many victims and devoured much of the already-scarce financial resources in the region. In addition, the Turkish and Syrian states have repeatedly attacked the region in recent years. 

The AANES was created to unify the various councils and cantonal administrations. The most recently-liberated regions, which include many majority Arab areas, have also been integrated into the federal council system. As a result of these developments, the structures of the AANES are highly dynamic, which has led to constant changes in council structures, especially at the higher levels. Yet these only act as coordinators to implement the will of the communes, which remain a constant element of the bottom-up direct-democratic approach, giving everyone of all cultural identities the right to political participation in discussions, decision-making and the implementation of projects. The importance of TEV-DEM grew as it redefined its role as organizing civil society at a conference organized on August 27^th 2018, and became something akin to an umbrella organization for civil society, which supports, coordinates, and ensures that the voice of civil society is incorporated into the political and administrative aspects of the system. TEV-DEM today can be described as the “civilian institution of the government.” ²³ According to Hawar News, a local news organization, today, TEV-DEM “takes the struggle for a free and dignified life for all social groups, achieving social and economic development and raising productive efficiency, in addition to its support for the democratic, moral and political approach and the protection of rights and freedoms.” ²⁴

The AANES currently covers more than 50,000 km² and is home to around four million inhabitants. 

The Social Contract

The organizational and territorial changes are reflected not only in the various names of the Autonomous Administration, but also in its basic legal documents. As the political bodies, these, too, have been subject to dynamic changes in the past decade.

A first version of the ‘constitution’ of the Autonomous Administration, the so-called ‘social contract’, was accepted by the cantons and enacted in 2014; on three separate days, each canton issued its own declaration of democratic autonomy. In doing so, the cantons, consisting of their different district councils, also established their own transitional administrations. The social contract of 2014 replaces the centralization imposed by the former ruling Ba’ath party and allocates state tasks to the sovereignty of the cantons and the Autonomous Administration. However, it did not deny the legitimacy of the Syrian state. ²⁵ The 2014 ‘Charter of the Social Contract of Rojava’ was reformed in 2016. Currently, in mid-2022, the contract is again being discussed and revised. The social contract stipulates a political system based on participatory democracy, gender equality and ecology. It also aims to ensure the peaceful coexistence of different religions and ethnic groups. RIC is following the development of the draft and will release a more thorough explanation in time with its ratification.

It is noteworthy that in NES there is talk of a ‘social contract’ rather than a ‘constitution’. It reflects the political vision of coexistence without the existence of a higher authority. In the preambles to the social contract, the nation-state is presented as the cause of the conflicts in NES. In this respect, the Autonomous Administration does not aim to proclaim a state.

“A basic principle of our contract is to be flexible and adaptable”,

says Amina Omar, co-chair of the SDC. For Omar, the fact that the social contract is now being amended has much to do with the fact that

“not all areas in northern and eastern Syria were liberated at the same time. In 2014, the three cantons of Rojava – Cizîrê, Kobane and Afrin – united on a federal basis. The institutions there are still based on the 2014 agreement.” ²⁶ 

Other regions were liberated gradually and have different institutions, so a new social contract is needed. An updated version of the contract should be available by the end of the year. The AANES announced plans for its completion at the end of 2021, but according to officials, the COVID-19 pandemic, several amendments, and prolonged deliberations have delayed the process. At least one session of the drafting committee was also cancelled due to ISIS’ attack on Sina’a prison in January 2022.

According to Omar, initially, a preparatory committee of 158 people was elected – representatives of local government, civil society, political parties and various population groups. Of these, 15 men and 15 women were selected to submit a draft within two months. The draft of the new social contract now contains 99 articles that define fundamental rights and freedoms, principles and social regulations, such as coexistence between population groups, protection of the environment, and women’s rights. The right to self-determination and the prohibition of the death penalty and torture are also firmly enshrined in law. However, as it is presented at people’s assemblies across NES, the new social contract could still be amended before it is finally ratified by the Executive Council. 

Berivan Khaled, too, was involved in the drafting process. She tells RIC that it is particularly important to include the will of the people in this process. Decisions are made through the cooperation of citizens and the Administration, and opinions are sought in a democratic manner. Amina Omar sums up that, so far, a large part of the population has accepted and agreed to the social contract:

“This social contract is to the benefit for the people because it guarantees the rights and duties of each individual. Of course, we can’t say that such an agreement is 100 percent perfect, but in principle it is widely accepted.” ²⁷ 

A “lack of democratic thinking” is still noticeable, she said, and the authoritarian nature of Assad’s rule lingers in political discourse. Omar urges patience, but is cautiously optimistic: “In the last ten years, democratic thought has spread a lot, but it’s a long struggle.” A decade may not be enough to undo nearly a century of Syrian authoritarianism.

The social contract is the expression of the AANES’ vision of decentralized power through democratic administration. However, this process does not seek to replace one power with another. Rather, it seeks to democratize political consciousness, people’s attitudes and, consequently, all of society – but this takes time. Finally, Pervin Yusif draws attention to the importance of the change of consciousness within society: 

“What is important for me to say is that our revolution was not just a change of the system. We did not change one system and put another into power, but we really tried to, and managed to a certain degree, was to change the society. Our revolution is a social revolution with a new existence and the possibility to have new ethics and a new ethical way of thinking. Everybody could live together according to their own culture and reality”. ⁹ 

After this historical overview and a brief introduction to the basic political structures that shape life in NES, the second part of this report will look at the present state of society in NES through the lens of healthcare, the legal system, and the political economy. Together with this part, the whole report ‘Rojava Revolution – a Decade on’, will be available soon.

1. Slavoj Žižek (2021): Slavoj Žižek Teaches at Kobane University. bianet.org/english/world/242693-slavoj-zizek-teaches-at-kobane-university.[]
2. David Graeber (2018): Majority Report with David Graeber on Democratic Confederalism in Northern Syria. www.youtube.com/watch?v=5iWCXQR92v8.[]
3. https://rb.gy/skgzd2 (www.gulanmedia.com)[]
4. Michael Knapp, Anja Flach, Ercan Ayboğa (2014): Revolution in Rojava. Democratic Autonomy and Women’s Liberation in Syrian Kurdistan. London: Pluto; Michael Knapp, Joost Jongerden (2016): Communal Democracy: The Social Contract and Confederalism in Rojava. Comparative Islamic Studies 10(1), pp. 87–109.[]
5. Interview with Pervin Yusif (June 27th 2022).[]
6. Wladimir Wilgenburg, Mario Fumerton (2022): From the PYD-YPG to the SDF: the Consolidation of Power in Kurdish-controlled Northeast Syria. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, pp. 1-20, p. 4.[]
7. Omar Hossino; Ilhan Tanir (2012): The Decisive Minority: The Role of Syria’s Kurds in the Anti-Assad Revolution. https://rb.gy/oalets (henryjacksonsociety.org).[]
8. Harriet Allsopp, Wladimir Wilgenburg (2019): The Kurds of Northern Syria: Governance, Diversity and Conflicts, London: I.B. Tauris, pp. 90f.[]
9. Interview with Pervin Yusif.[][]
10. Wladimir Wilgenburg (2013): Syrian Kurdish Militia Takes over Oil Fields. https://rb.gy/jfhg02 (www.al-monitor.com).[]
11. Cale Salih (2015): Is Tal Abyad a Turning Point for Syria’s Kurds? https://rb.gy/kiljyy (www.bbc.com) []
12. Rojava Information Center (2020): The Syrian Democratic Council – A proposal for a democratic Syria. https://rb.gy/fwv9fv (www.rojavainformationcenter.com).[]
13. Hassan Hassan (2017): The Battle for Raqqa and the Challenges after Liberation. CTC Sentinel 10 (6). https://rb.gy/ujn5y5 (https://ctc.westpoint.edu) []
14. Rojava Information Center (2019): Beyond the Frontlines. The Building of the Democratic System in North and East Syria, p. 45. https://rb.gy/dws0cy (www.rojavainformationcenter.com).[]
15. See: UNHCR chart for the latest figures at https://data2.unhcr.org/en/situations/syria/location/5.[]
16. See: Our quarterly reports ‘State of the Occupation’: https://rb.gy/kow9hn (www.rojavainformationcenter.com) []
17. Abdullah Öcalan (2011): Democratic Confederalism. Köln: International Initiative, p. 21.[][][]
18. Interview with Berivan Khaled (April 23th 2022).[]
19. https://rb.gy/nukj5b (www.7al.net).[]
20. Interview with Berivan Khaled.[][]
21. Rojava Information Center 2019, p. 23.[]
22. Ibid, p. 21.[]
23. Eliza Egret, Tom Anderson (2016): Struggles for Autonomy in Kurdistan & Corporate Complicity in the Repression of Social Movements in Rojava and Bakur. London: Freedom Press, p. 62.[]
24. https://rb.gy/6riqqj (www.hawarnews.com).[]
25. Nazan Üstündağ (2016): Self-Defense as a Revolutionary Practice in Rojava, or How to Unmake the State. South Atlantic Quarterly 115(1), 197-210, p. 203.[]
26. Interview with Amina Omar (April 22th 2022).[]
27. Interview with Amina Omar.[]

I do not see any problem in using the term “feeling”, because Jineolojî also challenges science which is largely devoid of feeling in terms of content. Just this term, which exceeds the limits of the mental models given to us and opens a door to a new science, fits to what I want to communicate. However, only “feeling” is not enough. The Jineolojî has supported the claim to define seeing, knowing, meaning, searching and analyzing adapted to life as a science of its own. In this text I will try to explain which way the Jineolojî has travelled in the course of about ten years to come closer to the claim of becoming a separate branch of science.

We can attribute the distance that Jineolojî has traveled – as in any other science – to the effort to establish itself conceptually, theoretically and institutionally. First and foremost, as in any social science, it was a matter of developing a scientific understanding of basic factors such as existence, knowledge and methods. It was based on the fact that the role of women and their knowledge had almost no place in the social sciences or that this place was very distorted, which only deepened the social problems. In a way, she dared to shout a truth that in the past many researchers who had tried to analyze the system had concealed. Thus, we knew where to place the missing pieces of the puzzle in our hands.

The river that finds its own bed

Jineolojî has challenged the informative entities of the system, proceeded with contradictions, objections and questions, and revealed the jinergy in every individual and area with which it came into contact. Jineolojî has aimed to take steps that satisfy the claim of being a science in the service of society and not of domination. Seeing that the fragmented approach to the social sciences of women, society, and nature easily led to exploitation by governments, it strove from the beginning to be established as a science with society for the needs of society.

How she did it? She held the discussion “What kind of social science will Jineolojî be?” not in academies, where the problems of society are always considered from a distance, but with society. First, she discussed with the pioneers of her own revolution, or, in other words, the pioneers who based the women’s revolution on such a science. Jineolojî did not emerge from a group that held abstract discussions about freedom.This community tried to reflect the principles of a free life that it had developed itself through the relations between men and women, the understanding of administration, nature and the way it dealt with every living being in it. It consisted of people who cut their ties to the existing system and felt freedom at that moment. Most importantly, it was a community based on creating freedom immediately.

It was this group, especially the free women’s academies in the mountains of Kurdistan and the building force of the Kurdish revolution, that set the basic building blocks of an alternative life in many different fields such as economy, culture, self-defense, justice and politics. Only the community that promised people a future and risked their lives for it could feel how a science should be in the service of society, and only such a structure could create that science.

Thus, a conference in the mountains of Kurdistan created a framework for Jineolojî’s critique of the social sciences, their methods and practices. With the motivation generated by this framework, Jineolojî developed in a different form in all fields. This was precisely the result that was consistent with the claim of being a social science. Therefore, we compare Jineolojî with the river that finds its own bed.

The first concrete studies

Let us now take a look at how this river has created its place in different geographical areas, breaking through the earth and seeping into the depths.

The first concrete studies on the science of women began in Rojava and undoubtedly produced the most results there. Since women were the founding force of the revolution in the fields of self-defense, politics, economy, culture, justice and many more, the quickly practiced social conventions of women, the institutionalizations formed according to the needs of women (Mala Jin, Jinwar, women’s academies and cooperatives …) formed the basis for the development of Jineolojî. This promoted the process of education in these institutionalizations and at the same time fed on it.

Seminars and trainings of Jineolojî at hundreds of academies in Rojava have played an important role in changing the mindset of the protective and founding forces of the revolution. In this way, she created her own institutionalizations. Jineolojî research centers established in Efrîn on August 16, 2017 (no longer operational due to the occupation), in Dêrik on September 22, 2017, in Minbic on January 2, 2018, in Kobanê within the borders of the Euphrates region on March 6, 2018, in Hesekê on January 8, 2019, on 25. November 2020 in Tabqa, on January 9, 2021 in the camp for people from Efrîn whose land is occupied, and in Aleppo on April 4, 2021. These are very important institutions that ensure the intimate relationship of Jineolojî with society. Female employees of these institutions try to fill the knowledge pool of Jineolojî in economics, demography, history, mythology, ethics, aesthetics, and so on. They research their own societies and their history and do so beyond the boundaries of state and patriarchy.

Sometimes they work in partnership with a woman healer, sometimes with a dengbej, sometimes with academics. The sociological analyses carried out by each center on the body are also considered as fundamental studies to get to the source of social problems. Let us also mention that the interest in Jineolojî is not limited to the regions where Kurds live. In cities such as Minbic, Tabqa and Raqqa, which were liberated from IS, the number of Arab women who volunteer for Jineolojî studies cannot be underestimated. In this way, the chance to access the sources (Arabic books and oral histories) where we can find information stored in the Middle Eastern countries increases considerably.

One of the most fundamental studies of Jineolojî in Rojava is her sociological research to solve social problems. For example, during the revolution in Rojava, sociological research has served to establish that women were the constructive force in Rojava.

The work, which deals with the connection of the present conditions with the first women’s revolution, and a people stuck between being refugees and war, and in a process of reconstruction, is completed. It is currently being prepared for publication in Kurdish.

One of the most promising works of Jineolojî has been the construction of Jinwar Women’s Village, which WJAR (Free Women’s Foundation in Rojava) launched as a joint project with WJAS (Free Women’s Foundation in Syria) and Kongreya Star (Women’s Movement in North Syria) in 2017.

Jinwar, where the construction of the houses ended on November 25, 2018, is now a living space that has a capacity, through the healing and health center “Şîfa Jin“, to care for the health problems of women along with those in the surrounding villages. The village has a trilingual school for students, a bakery and it has developed agriculture and animal husbandry. Jinwar is, so to speak, a village where Jineolojî is being practiced.

The Faculty of Jineolojî, which was opened at the University of Rojava during the 2017/2018 academic year, is one of the most important institutions of Jineolojî. The Faculty has been trying to restructure itself since 2021. There is a detailed preparation on many issues from curriculum to scoring system or an advisory board of the faculty. Various institutions that cooperate with the faculty are also involved in this process. In addition to the Emden University in Germany, efforts are being made to cooperate with various schools that have already been able to establish an alternative educational system in Latin America.

The Andrea Wolf Institute

The Andrea Wolf Institute (founded in May 2017) is another institution where women from different regions of the world work together. With its educational circles, research groups and artistic projects, Jineolojî is becoming an important resource that all women of the world will encounter. The studies carried out in the institute have already turned into a concrete product.

The leaflets entitled “Revolutionary Education and the Killing of Man,” published in different languages, and the book “Mujer, Vida, Libertad,” which includes the experiences of the Kurdish women’s liberation movement, are also products of a group of international women who carry out various works at the Institute. Published in Catalan, the book has been translated into Italian and met its readers at the end of 2021. Its second volume (the first is being prepared for the second edition) is in progress. The basic idea for the book “We know what we want” [„Wir wissen was wir wollen“], which has received great attention in Germany, also came about through discussions within the Institute. By intensifying the work of those who conducted not only external public education, but also community education and Jineolojî studies, products such as brochures and books were created. Ethical-aesthetic (in four languages) and politicization of emotions (in five languages) are among them. This decade also saw the publication of “Lecture Notes” describing all the theoretical and practical issues of Jineolojî, and the title “Democratic Modernity and Feminism”. In addition to the Jineological promotional brochures published in Europe in seven languages, some of the discussions in 21 different Jineolojî camps in Latin America and European countries have been delivered as brochures to the relevant circles. In this context, two Catalan and two German brochures have been published. A special selection from Jineological journals appeared in English, Arabic and Soranî. The Journal of Jineolojî, published every three months, is in its fifth year. Currently, issue 23 is being prepared.

What I am trying to say is that based on the education of social sciences, Jineolojî has formed a large complex in this short span of ten years.

The books and pamphlets mentioned above are actually the products of experiences that are thus transmitted to the future generation and recorded in intellectual production, perpetuating the struggle for women’s existence and freedom. This intellectual production process, starting from its own needs, can connect the information network. No experience and production is separated from the other field, all concrete results are collected in the pool of Jineolojî and even the production of one field motivates and nourishes another field. In other words, the flow does not originate from a need fixed at the top, but from the contact with the progress of the local towards universality. This is what you need to understand from the practice of Jineolojî.

Undoubtedly, there are many more practical results from the last ten years. The truth that is revealed is much more important to me. In this respect, the emotion I expressed at the beginning is significant. The transformation that every woman who engages in Jineolojî experiences is the most lasting result for me. To recognize the mental pitfalls that the male-dominated system lays for women, to embrace the ethical-aesthetic values that come through female connectedness, to gain consciousness to define one’s existence, to gain aspiration to overcome the knotted social problems, to realize one’s own potential, that is, to feel the jinergy, to gain strength in the struggle against the system – these feelings have appeared in every woman who got acquainted with Jineolojî and participated in the studies carried out on the basis of jineological thinking and living. This is the first position that we won against the way of thinking that tries to separate the thoughts, knowledge, feelings and intuition of women. Being able to arouse emotions while producing thoughts and relying on our intuition while pursuing knowledge.

The practice achieved during this time is very valuable. It is a necessity to make these values visible and to understand these results as a prerequisite for a science and as the beginning of a long march. It is only with such scientific output that it will be possible to change the information that today defines human memory.

Has Jineolojî been able to adequately analyze all social contradictions, or can it form a sufficient basis for the ideological and revolutionary rise of those who fight against the system? Every moment we deal with this question, encountering people full of contradictions, different cultures, identities, movements and minds full of insidious positivism, we ask ourselves this question. These encounters make us feel that we are at the beginning of the road. But we see contradictions and question marks as the beginning of transformation. We transform ourselves as we develop our conversion aspirations. We are learning as we seek to teach. We create our own identity as we pursue women’s truth. We don’t mind the long road to get there.

The efforts of women involved in Jineological studies in Europe to revive their own mythologies; following the stories of women who resisted against fascism; the stories that elderly people tell children in the Jineological Research Center in Dêrik; the child of a mute Ezidi mother who learned to speak after she started living in Jinwar – having had all these promising experiences at the beginning of this long road instills in us the courage, hope and desire to go the rest of the way as well.

The Women’s House (Mala Jin), is one of the people’ s institutions that were built from 2011 with the outbreak of the revolution. They are part of the Women’s Movement, organised under the umbrella of Kongra Star, and are established throughout the region of North and East Syria, as one of the pillars of the community-based institutions that represent the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria.

Their role is to support women in solving the problems that affect them, and to take part through the Consensus Committees in the management of gender-based conflicts. In the project of Mala Jin we see two of the principles of the Revolution crystallized: ending the oppression of women and understanding, addressing and resolving conflicts within the community. The problems women face include husbands who have taken second wives, forced marriages, issues of inheritance, or male violence. Because despite the legislative changes that have been taken (such as banning polygamy or raising the legal age of marriage to 18), these continue to occur and it is a long-term educational effort to eradicate them completely.

As a house of justice, Mala Jin takes on a mediating role, holding talks with the affected parts when possible – a couple, a family, two or three families or tribes – and seeking a solution together. Even so, in serious cases of male violence or conflicts that are not settled, they are working together with Asayiş (police force) and the court justice system, taking punitive measures if necessary.

“The Master’s Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master’s House.”

The past centuries have witnessed many anti-colonial and revolutionary struggles launched and fought with the aim of liberating people and their land from exploitation. They have aspired to gain peoples’ self-determination and self-empowerment, and a life of freedom, welfare and justice for everyone. In that pursuit, many liberation movements in Africa, Latin America, Asia and the Middle East were able to force colonial powers to retreat physically from their territories, but not all of them were as successful in realizing all their declared aims. In fact, quite often, it was a group of new national elites who managed to secure political power and establish another rule without introducing any compelling changes in the structures of state and power. That was disheartening for the freedom fighters who had strived for genuine change, and, often, that feeling of disenchantment permeated down to the following generations. It seemed, as if, Margret Thatcher’s cynical declaration that, “There is no alternative to capitalism!” was tacitly accepted as destiny by people.

But, the human spirit continues to hope and strive for a better future. If we look at the first formations of communal life in which women played a leading and uniting role; if we listen to the pluriversal cosmovisions all around the world; and if we continue the search for giving meaning to our own lives on this planet, we realize that ecological, political and ethical societies based on the values of democracy, solidarity and justice have always existed, and still endure. We can learn from the resistance of the Zapatista, and the indigenous communities in Latin America who continue to defend their lives in the proximity of the Mother Earth; we can reach out to the village assembly of Mendha Lekha in India, which decided to collectively own and cultivate its land. And, we can draw inspiration from the democratic confederal organizing of communes in Kurdistan, as well as from the solidarity of neighborhoods resisting evictions in Palestine or Catalonia.

Need for a Paradigm Beyond State, Power and Violence

These efforts inspire us to face up to the challenges of the contemporary world: how can we forge a mindset, which is democratic, and establish a way of life that does not reproduce hierarchical power structures? And, how can we defend democratic, egalitarian social structures against the chokehold of the capitalist hydra? These questions have also been key to the reflections of Abdullah Öcalan, the leader of the Kurdish people’s freedom struggle launched in the vanguard of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). His analysis of the contemporary society proposes that the liberation of life and society can become possible only beyond the construct of state, power and violence. He laid the foundation of a paradigm change in the Kurdistan Freedom Movement. Despite having been arrested extra-judicially in 1999, and subsequently incarcerated in isolation on the Imrali Island in Turkey, Öcalan’s thoughts continue to inspire comprehensive discussions in the movement as well as in the Kurdish society, in all four parts of Kurdistan and the diaspora. He rejected the Machiavellian precept of “the ends justifying the means”, and asserted that “the revolutionary means have to be as clean as the revolutionary aims”, echoing Audre Lorde’s assertion that “it is impossible to dismantle the house of the master with the tools of the master.” Öcalan further affirms that state, power and violence cannot become the instruments of liberation, as they themselves have been the means of societal oppression. These key points have paved the way for a strategic reorientation and reorganization of the Kurdish freedom struggle firmly based on the pillars of women’s liberation, ecology and radical democracy. This process has opened out into the establishment of Democratic Autonomy, Democratic Confederalism and Democratic Nation as alternatives to oppressive, patriarchal and nationalist state structures.

Unity of Democratic Spirit and Body

During the last two decades, the Kurdish people together with the people of other cultures and ethnicities in the region have started to build structures of self-organizing in all four parts of Kurdistan on the basis of these concepts.

The authoritarian regimes in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria have had disparate colonial policies, and even though the conditions under their respective rules have also differed, oppression has been a common phenomenon in all the countries. Yet, the Kurdish people have negotiated these difficult circumstances using a common spirit, which is described by the term, Democratic Nation. This underscores the attainment of a nation as a democratic society through voluntary participation of individuals and communities, guided solely by their free will. Contrary to a nation-state, it is not based on the hegemony of one language, ethnicity, religion, culture or an enclosed territory. The term, Democratic Nation, further highlights a shared existence of different cultural, social or religious communities built on the foundation of a common life, a shared economy and a set of ethical principles. This novel spirit has found its body in the structure of peoples’ self-administration, namely Democratic Autonomy and Democratic Confederalism.

Democratic Autonomy denotes the creation of a substantial societal framework consisting of local and regional people’s councils, cooperatives, academies and self-defense forces outside of the existing nation state operating through the oppressive apparatus of its bureaucracy, police, army and other government institutions. With and through these structures of grass-roots democracy, the society can develop its own socio-economic policies, educational system etc. and fulfill the needs of its people without being dependent on the state. This framework is also known as State + Democracy, which simply means that it’s not necessary to overthrow the state in order to build grassroots democracy. On the other hand, by building people’s democratic, autonomous structures within an existing state structure, it’s possible to make the state diminish in its relevance. As a result, the ability of the state to exert power – including structural and militarist violence – over the lives of individuals and society reduces considerably under this new framework. Such a confederal system of organizing, which unites communities based on peoples’ congresses and assemblies across arbitrarily drawn borders, has already been established under the umbrella of the Union of Democratic Communities in Kurdistan (KCK) and the Kurdistan Women’s Communities (KJK). Importantly, for the Kurdish society, the principle of Democratic Confederalism is an essential mechanism by which it can reunite and bring into an integrated system the soul and limbs that had been chopped off by the physical presence of nation-state borders and their corresponding mentality.

The earliest and most resolute steps towards building Democratic Confederalism were taken in North Kurdistan in 2005. This is where majority of the Kurdish people live, and also have a long history of resisting and organizing against the Turkish autocratic regime. Subsequently, when various popular uprisings against authoritarian regimes and dictators took place in North Africa and the Middle East in the spring of 2011, the Kurdish people in Syria also took the initiative to claim their socio-economic and cultural rights and assert their political will. In Rojava (West Kurdistan), despite the repression and nationalist chauvinism they had suffered under the Syrian Arab Republic, the women and peoples had established a solid organizational foundation for taking control of their lives through clandestine political work and community organizing spread over a period of thirty years. In the last ten years, the society in West Kurdistan has continued to build this alternative system of Democratic Autonomy based on peoples’ communes, councils and assemblies in order to meet its vital needs. But, this has not been an easy process, and in the following sections I will address the challenges that have emerged, with the focus on the relations, and the contradictions, between power and democracy.

Women Challenge Power

In the Kurdish language there are two different expressions that we can use for translating the English term ‘power’: Hêz or Desthilatî.

Hêz connotes strength, and could be identified with a natural or democratic ‘authority’ that resists injustice, cares for the well being of society and affirms everyone’s dignity. In Rojava, we can experience this essence of hêz in the personality of the women – especially mothers – who went out on the streets to force the Syrian army forces to withdraw from the Kurdish regions in 2012. We observe this hêz in the eyes of the women who have taken up arms to defend their homeland against the attacks by ISIS and the Turkish army. And we can feel the hêz of women who are rejecting patriarchal norms that perceive them as the honor and property of the family, and who are insisting on speaking for themselves and taking their own decisions. This hêz is present in the women who have celebrated their liberation from ISIS by burning the black niqab, and wearing their colorful clothes again. It is the hêz of women who became teachers although they were refused school education either by the state because they were undocumented Kurds, or by their parents simply because they were girls. The hêz of women is manifested in the active and leading role they play today in politics as equally responsible co-chairs in all structures of Democratic Autonomy, and at all levels – from the communes to international relations. This hêz of wisdom and creativity allowed women to establish an autonomous women’s system including self-organization in the fields of economy, education, health, justice, self-defense, arts and culture. It also motivated them to insist upon the implementation of the general principles on women’s rights and freedom, know as the ‘women’s law’.

The Strength of Communal Resistance, Self-Defense and Organizing

Furthermore, we continue to experience the society’s hêz in the ongoing widespread discussions and actions to build up a democratic education system, which ensures that learning is imparted to all the communities in their own mother tongue. The hêz is instrumental in solving problems like insufficient water supplies, poverty due to the embargo, and the rising value of the dollar. It also inspires the community to fight a perpetual war, as well as defend the harvest under the scorching summer sun and against the fires caused by the acts of sabotage conducted by ISIS, and the Turkish and Syrian regimes. Last but not the least the hêz of society became obvious, when thousands of people from all generations and all parts of Kurdistan joined the resistance in Kobanê, when thousands of people from all the regions of Rojava joined the convoys headed to Shengal to rescue the Ezidis from the genocide committed by ISIS, and repeated that act when Efrîn, Giresipi and Serekaniye were bombarded and invaded by the Turkish army.

All these examples underscore the point that hêz – namely the courage, the democratic will, the dignity and the integrity – of women and the society, is constantly in conflict with, and under attack, by another form of power which we translate in the Kurdish language as desthilatî. The literal meaning of this term is ‘the raised hand’. It is the opposite of ‘bindestî’, which means ‘being under the hand’, and is translated into English as ‘subjugation’. The dichotomy of desthilatî (power) and bindestî (subjugation) is fundamentally antithetical to the perception of hêz, the ethical distinction and the political sensibility of democracy. Here, it is important to stress that democracy does not imply a capitalist state that simply allows its citizens the right to vote in a representative government every 4 – 5 year. Democracy, in fact, is an alternative to the state. It is the hêz of the communities to resist against any oppressive desthilatî-power, and to govern themselves without the state and without becoming a state.

Democracy is fundamental to an open and free society, where individuals and groups are political subjects and govern themselves on the basis of collective consensus. This concept as well as the construct of Democratic Autonomy spread quickly to other places, too. When the Kurdish defense forces, YPG-YPJ and SDF, liberated broad areas in Northern and Eastern Syria from the tyranny of ISIS, they also adopted it for their own administrative purposes. The model is evolving continually. Kurdish representatives are participating in the regional peace process using the precepts of Democratic Autonomy, and are also striving for its recognition by the international community. But, all through these positive developments, the Kurdish representatives continue to maintain their spiritual and physical autonomy and freedom.

The experiences of building Democratic Autonomy in the Rojava region for the last ten years, has strengthened the conviction that this model can help resolve the protracted conflicts and other issues in Syria, the Middle East and even other parts of the world.

Building our own houses with our own tools

The most important challenge of democracy is: How do we overcome the mentality, habits and structures of power that have conquered and colonized the hearts and minds of individuals as well as the society for so long?

In relation to this question we have to be aware that our society’s existence has always been communal and democratic. Social development has been made possible by creativity, solidarity and cooperation, and not by power and violence. This is the democratic hêz of the mother-clan society that has continued to resist domination since Neolithic times. On the other hand, the 5000 years-old history of patriarchy, state civilization, wars and colonization in the Middle East have burnt deep scars of alienation into people’s thoughts, feelings and behaviors. Whether it was the myths of the ancient societies, organized religion itself, or the positivist sciences, they all have been designed to persuade women and other exploited sections of the society that it was their destiny to be subservient to men and the ruling classes. Power hierarchies between men and women, and between rulers and the people were codified by utilizing soft and hard measures, and also by structural as well as physical violence. The fear of punishment for disobedience was complemented by inducements and rewards for collaboration and servitude. The matrix of patriarchal state power and hierarchies alienated and divided social relations, and diluted the democratic norms and beliefs of the tribes that once had their origins in mother clan societies. This is the reason why it has been so difficult to break and overcome the preeminence of power, both as a concept as well as practice.

Since the beginning of the revolution in Rojava, our daily life has been full of examples, which demonstrate the advancements as well as the challenges on the way of overcoming the impact of destructive power structures just by practicing democracy. I have chosen the example of the colloquial called ‘women’s law’ to illustrate some of the processes and discussions in the communities of Rojava, as well as North and East Syria, which challenge patriarchal power. These have been effective in addressing the relevant issues but sometimes they’ve also been controvercial.

Even before people’s power could force the Syrian regime to withdraw from Rojava, women started to build up their own organizational structures to dismantle patriarchal power. They also started constructing their own houses using their own tools. Emîne Omer describes this process:

“In the beginning there were only a few women who were willing to take on the burden of responsibility. We didn’t even have our own rooms, but we really enjoyed our work. To stop the violence against women, we built up our first women’s center, which we called ‘Mala Jinê’ (Women’s House).”

Women’s Law and Justice

Xeliya, a young member of the Women‘s Justice Council shares the difficulties they faced in building an alternative system of justice:

“Until I started this work, I had hardly ever got out of home. And then suddenly I was confronted with the very serious problems of women and society. In the beginning, we mostly listened to our male colleagues because that was what we had learned to do. But, then we got together with the other women who had started this work. At first we cried together as we listened to women’s pain and despair. But, increasingly, we began to exchange ideas and figure out solutions. The discussions, as well as the constant self-reflection and questioning that women participated in became the source of strength for us in finding the right solutions. By asking ourselves, “what does justice for women mean?” we also gained the self-confidence to contradict our male colleagues and express our own opinions. We built our own foundations. Because of our socialization as women we have different approaches to social problems, perceive the same event in different ways, and come to different conclusions.”

The rigorous process of discussion with the women in the communes led to the drafting of “the basic principles and general regulations regarding the situation and the rights of women”. This was done to ensure gender equality in all spheres of private and public life. Women of all national and religious communities like Kurds, Arabs, Armenians, Assyrians, Chaldeans, Turkmens, Chechen, Ezidis, Muslims and Christians participated in this exercise. In 2014, the “General Council of Democratic Autonomy” formally adopted the draft. It comprises of 30 principles to ensure, “that women can develop on all levels, achieve a beautiful life, and defend themselves and their legitimate rights against all forms of oppression and violence.“

Since the enactment of the “Women’s Law”, the women’s movement in Rojava has campaigned in all the neighborhoods and villages of the region to create awareness and acceptance of these principles. In the beginning, the general male reaction was quite negative. But slowly, with educational programs at schools and with the assistance of other popular education academies, the laws are gaining widespread acceptance. Many women have revealed that their husband’s attitudes towards them, as well as the relations within the family have improved after they had participated in popular education programs on the principles of a democratic family, women’s history or Jineolojî.

Challenging Patriarchal Mentality and Violence

At present, the bans on underage and polygamous marriages are the most controversial and undermined points of the “women’s law”. Not just men, but sometimes women, too, claim that these provisions do not correspond to “social reality“, or have been introduced “too early”. Xelîya describes some discrepancies between the intention and the effects of the ban on polygamous marriages:

“Before the revolution, it was common for men to ‘get’ several wives. It was usually a very bad situation for women. They were used and played off against each other. But now, some men are pushing their wives to divorce so that they can marry a new woman. This is often perceived as much more humiliating by the ex-wife. Women’s laws alone are not enough; the mentality and morality of society have to change. ”

Consequently, women in the communes, in the [re]conciliation committees of the people’s councils and the Mala Jinê (Women’s House) raise awareness about the negative consequences of the patriarchal traditions and emphasize the need for discarding that mentality. In the beginning, they were often ridiculed and sometimes even physically threatened. However, with their tireless commitment, they have increasingly won respect from the society. Older women, in particular, are taken seriously as authority figures, as they have the experience to find and mediate just solutions. They have even been able to solve a large number of family and tribal conflicts that had persisted for decades and could not be solved by the Syrian legal system. Members of Mala Jinê explain:

“Our work is based on social interactions and that creates mutual understanding within family settings. We lay emphasis on the harm created by male dominance and the advantages of respectful family relations for everyone. On average, each Mala Jinê [in each town and surrounding area of Rojava] deals with 50 problem cases a month, of which we can solve around 20 simply through mutual understanding.”

However, if it becomes difficult to find a solution to a problem, then the case is passed on to the Women’s Justice Council. In those cases, where physical violence or death threats against women arise, the Asayişa Jin (Women’s Security Force) gets involved. Thereupon, women can seek refuge in safe houses, whereas the aggressors are taken to justice.

Although, the laws and sanctions are not sufficient to challenge the patriarchal order and the perpetrators of violence, the “Women’s Laws” have functioned as an effective means of uncovering and condemning violence against women. Many women emphasize that the principles set in the law have given them strength and courage to take up the fight against sexist violence and discrimination in public as well as in their own private lives. These laws have advanced a collective understanding of social ethics, and also helped establish democratic principles within partnerships and family relations.

The confederal network of the women’s movement, Kongra Star has facilitated the implementation of the women’s law and also propelled social change towards strengthening women’s self-awareness, empowerment and economic wellbeing. By working, organizing and learning collectively, women have secured the possibility of more options in life. Up until very recently, it was difficult to imagine a mother living on her own with her children after a divorce or the death of her husband. Today, projects like women’s cooperatives or the women‘s village called Jinwar have enabled single mothers to determine the course of their lives and ensure care for their children within a community of women. The co-chair system in which women and men collectively represent the will of the group, and coordinate the works of all communes, people’s councils, and in all fields of life has empowered women’s role in society, as well as in many families. Today, women who once were seekers of help are themselves working actively at Mala Jin and in the women’s councils, or have joined the women’s defense forces to protect the lives and rights of other women.

Generating Alternatives

The discussions, and the consequent changes in the lives of women, families and the larger society as a consequence of the women’s laws are one example of the many attempts that have been made to establish a democratic system, mentality and a way of life. We can conclude that the common values and principles of Democratic Autonomy have laid the corner stones of a democratic society and freedom for everyone.

In a time of deep despair, human and ecological crisis, the example of Democratic Autonomy in Rojava has created hope, and given new inspiration to people in Syria and the Middle East. In fact, a lot of people in other parts of the world have become a part of this process and are connecting it to the struggles in their own regions. Despite all the shortcomings and numerous obstacles during the last decade, we have learned that the democratic confederal organization of society can fulfill many spiritual and material needs of society. We have learned that democratic transformation is a continuing process, which requires constant societal and self-reflection. Our achievements are not assured forever, if we do not protect and advance them.

We’ve learned about our shared pains and aspirations by listening to each other, and by sharing our experiences of life and struggle; while singing songs and telling stories of our ancestors in our own languages, as women from different communities. We have learned that we can find solutions to the problems in our lives when we blend wisdom with spirituality, and our analytical and emotional intelligence. These are our tools for dismantling the houses of the masters. At the same time, we’ve also created new tools for building our own houses and gardens – we’ve constructed a democratic society, by uniting our political thoughts and beliefs with our way of life. By transforming our needs and hopes into communal organizing and actions, we now experience democracy as an alternative to state and power.

The Rojava Revolution is alive, and spreading its wings.

Şervîn Nûdem has been working at the Jineolojî Academy in Rojava (West-Kurdistan) in the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, since 2016. She works with the women from Kurdistan, Syria and other countries. Şervîn grew up in Germany and was active in the anti-fascist youth and autonomous women’s movement. Her interest in connecting political theory with practice, and communal life with the struggle for a free society led Şervîn to join the women’s liberation struggle in Kurdistan, and to participate in the work of the Jineolojî Academy. The main focus of her work is on popular education programs and collective, communal researches on the historical and social foundations of the women’s revolution and the system of Democratic Autonomy in Rojava / North and East Syria. Şervîn has also been active in the establishment of the Andrea-Wolf-Institute / Jineolojî Academy with the aim of connecting the struggle for democracy, justice and freedom worldwide with women’s wisdom.

In addition to the central Assad-led government, both the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria and various opposition groups control territory in the country— and will likely have some say in its post-war future. Yet their respective policies on women’s rights and representation are vastly different— an important distinction to make in assessing the country’s progress and determining international support.

Leadership and Representation

Women in the Autonomous Administration and the Syrian Democratic Forces hold senior leadership roles across policy functions and at all levels of their institutions. Ilham Ahmed, the co-chair of the Syrian Democratic Council, acts as the region’s de facto head of state, speaking before the U.S. Congress and meeting U.S. President Donald Trump last year. Further, the SDF operation to liberate Raqqa from ISIS control was led by a woman commander, Rojda Felat.

With the exception of women-only institutions, every deliberative body operates under a co-chair system, where all leadership positions are held jointly by one woman and one man. Offices and commissions within the Executive Council of the Administration, equivalent to cabinet departments, also use this system.

The Syrian opposition, however, lacks senior female leaders. In 2012, an early conference of the Syrian National Council elected no women to its 41-member decision-making group and the Syrian National Coalition has never had a woman president. In fact, the first woman to serve as the head of any opposition local council was only elected in 2018.

These disparities in senior leadership are reflected across the political structures of each faction. The Autonomous Administration’s constitution mandates that elected bodies and political parties, from the highest levels of the Administration to the smallest neighborhood commune, be made up of at least 40% women. Autonomous women’s organizations, like the Women’s Council of North and East Syria, exist in parallel to every mixed-gender institution, making the percentage of women actually serving in government slightly higher than men. These institutions have the ability to overrule and advise mixed-gender institutions on issues of women’s rights.

The Autonomous Administration’s constitution mandates that elected bodies and political parties, from the highest levels of the Administration to the smallest neighborhood commune, be made up of at least 40% women.

In contrast, a 2016 report from the Syrian Feminist Lobby quoted a study of 105 of the 427 local councils in opposition-held Syria at the time, which found that just 2% of their members were women. Just two women, including the Vice President, serve on the 23-member Political Committee of the Syrian National Coalition, and just 10% of the members of the Coalition’s General Body are women.

Based on this data, the Autonomous Administration would fall into the Middle East Women Leaders Index’s categorization of Ascending Representation— meaning women’s participation and leadership is high at all levels of government and across all policy areas. The report accurately classifies the Syrian government in the category of Aspiring Representation— meaning that women’s participation outside of traditional roles is still low. Despite claiming to represent a new future for the country, the Syrian opposition falls into this category as well.

Legal Status and Protections

New laws implemented by the Autonomous Administration contrast favorably with opposition laws and policies on women’s issues. In North and East Syria, the Women’s Laws address inequities in personal status that existed in Syrian law, and explicitly ban and criminalize child marriages, domestic abuse, and other forms of social inequity and gender-based violence. The region’s constitution states that “men and women are equal in the eyes of the law” and “guarantees the effective realization of equality of women and mandates public institutions to work towards the elimination of gender discrimination.”

Women who face discrimination or violence have significant institutional and social recourse. Women’s NGOs, like the Free Women’s Foundation and the Sara Organization for the Prevention of Violence Against Women, operate openly. Institutions known as “women’s houses” provide community-based mediation for domestic disputes and protection from unsafe home situations. Jinwar, an all-women’s village, is home to women who have lost their husbands in war, experienced sexual violence, and otherwise require support.

In opposition-held regions, no pretense of formal legal equality or legal protections is made. HTS, which controls much of Idlib, excludes women from political bodies and limits their basic freedoms, running gender-segregated schools,enforcing conservative dress codes, and forcing women whose husbands have been killed in the ongoing conflict to move in with a male “guardian.” These policies are enforced by ISIS-like morality police. Activists and civil society organizations that resist them face persecution, and must operate in secret; there is no legal resource for domestic violence, forced marriage, and other gender-based violence under religious law.

In opposition-held regions, no pretense of formal legal equality or legal protections is made. HTS, which controls much of Idlib, excludes women from political bodies and limits their basic freedoms…”

A recent UN report condemned the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army’s treatment of women in areas it has taken over, warning that “by targeting almost every aspect of Kurdish women’s lives…armed groups generated a palpable fear of violence and duress…[which] resulted in an undermining of women’s ability to meaningfully participate and contribute to their community.”

The report stated that these actions— like the assassination of Hevrin Khalaf, a former economy co-minister and then co-chair of the Syria Future Party targeted by Ahrar al-Sharqiya militants in October— constituted a concentrated attempt to “dismantle” the Autonomous Administration’s efforts to advance the status of women.

As the Index notes, laws and policies that regulate the lives of women and girls can either prepare them for political participation and leadership or act as obstacles to it. It is clear that the Autonomous Administration has done the former— while opposition groups have not been willing to implement such protections, and have even gone so far as to seek to force women out of public life altogether.

Why does it matter?

The Autonomous Administration provides a tried and tested blueprint for women’s political empowerment, a policy priority the opposition lacks. The gap in political and social opportunities for women between areas controlled by each faction is shocking. In areas that the SNA has captured from the SDF, like Afrin, Ras al-Ain, and Tel Abyad, the deterioration of women’s rights and basic personal safety is notable.

However, this dynamic has not factored into discussions on the country’s future, or determination of which factions deserve political and diplomatic support. Opposition groups that marginalize women have not faced any consequences for their actions— and the Autonomous Administration’s empowerment of women has not been discussed as a model for the rest of the country or a project that deserves support. Greater understanding of the fundamental differences on this issue, and the unique advances the Autonomous Administration has made, is essential for ensuring that women can play the role they deserve in all aspects of Syria’s future.

“After living under oppression for hundreds of years, our society was heavily influenced by patriarchy and the male mindset. This is why Kongreya Star was established… Our work has a good impact, for example we provide women facing domestic violence with the opportunity to leave the home and gain financial independence.” – Hamida Umma Mohammed, Kongra Star of Shehba, Afrin region

Kongra Star makes decisions through a conference every two years, as well as devolving decision making power to its various committees and member bodies. It is organized through communes and councils, as well as through academies, unions, political parties, cooperatives, associations and committees. Women organize as Kongra Star within the structures of the Autonomous Administration as well as through other structures such as the Syriac Women’s Union (for Syriac-Assyrian women) and in an independent capacity. Kongra Star organizes its work through the following committees: Diplomatic Relations, Participation, Media, Education, Municipalities & Environment, Justice, Culture & Art, Social Affairs, Political Affairs, and Women’s Collective Self-Defense Forces.

Kongra Star organizes and supports a wide range of activities and initiatives at all levels of society including demonstrations, training programs, participation in international partnerships, and setting up cooperatives. Although it has its roots in the Kurdish movement, steps are being taken to include women of all ethnic groups living in North and East Syria. There have been challenges in establishing a shared vision and practice of women’s liberation across all of society, but there have also been numerous tangible successes.

“We need to change the capitalist mentality – which is a patriarchal mentality – which seeks to make profit out of everything. But we cannot allow woman to become independent from man by putting herself in an exploited position [of employment]. It is not about integrating her into a capitalist system through work, it’s about building up a new economic system.”
Arin Khalil, Women’s Economy Committee in Qamishlo

Cooperatives, organizations and education

In different sectors, women developed autonomous structures and associations which are linked principally to Kongra Star, but also sometimes directly to the Autonomous Administration or SDC (Syrian Democratic Council). One example is ‘Sara,’ an association that campaigns against violence against women and works to change social perceptions and educate society. Another example is the Women’s Foundation (Waqfa Jin), which is establishing kindergartens, orphanages and specialized schools for disabled children. They also offer practical education to women in vocational skills.

A lot of work is also being carried out in the economic sphere: the Women’s Economy Committee of the Autonomous Administration and Kongra Star (Aboriya Jin) has supported the creation of a number of women’s cooperatives, allowing women to learn skills and become financially independent. These include bakeries, restaurants, tailoring workshops, factories and agricultural cooperatives. It is envisioned that women-only businesses will develop a mode of working different from more dominant, capitalist ways of working.

An interesting development in North and East Syria has been the growth of Jineology, translated as ‘the science of women.’ Jineology is a branch of academic study that seeks to develop a methodology and epistemology of liberation through connection with society and ‘revolutionary principles.’ Since 2011, Jineology has been developed across the broader Kurdish women’s movement. Its stated aim is to counter the preconceptions and methodologies of science as developed by a dominant male mentality, and to “rewrite knowledge from the point of view of women”, with the ultimate objective of “the emancipation of society”. In practice, Jineology works through local research centers, institutions and academies, conducting research, developing ideas and running seminars and training programs.

Jinwar, a village exclusively for women and their children, was founded in 2016 near the city of Dirbesiye. The Jinwar project entails the creation of a village where women alone develop the culture, economy, daily life and governance. Women also built the physical village, using traditional, environmentally sustainable techniques to construct clay houses, a communal kitchen and gardens. The village feature a school, a medical clinic, an academy, a bakery, herd animals, a shop, vegetable garden and several fields for crops. Women organize village life through a council and take part in running the collective economy of the village. However, the women and their children had to evacuate the village for some time following the October 2019 Turkish invasion due to shelling and the proximity of Turkish-backed forces to the village.

North and East Syria contains a network of ‘Women’s Houses’ (Mala Jin) in all cities and many smaller towns. The Women’s Houses exist to solve women’s issues, particularly domestic problems such as violence, marriage and divorce, and oppressive behaviors in the household.

This article is an excerpt from our report “Beyond the Frontlines – The building of the democratic system of North and East Syria”.

The case of Manbij, liberated from ISIS by the SDF in August 2016, shows how women in a multi-ethnic Syrian city used AANES [the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria] frameworks to build institutions, take on leadership roles, and organize in their communities to change discriminatory attitudes.

The success of women’s political and military structures in Manbij over time suggests that the AANES system can be a true model for women’s empowerment across Syria.

Military Institutions

By 2016, women in North and East Syria had been fighting on the front lines for several years. Images of civilians embracing YPJ fighters were shared in international media coverage of the liberation of Manbij, becoming symbolic of the broader fight against ISIS.

By the end of the operation, local women had already begun to join the Manbij Military Council (MMC), which was set up in April 2016 before the SDF effort to take the city. One female commander, Xaliya Nîmet, said that more than 150 women had joined the MMC by early August of that year.

In February 2017, the Martyr Roxan Academy was established as the first women’s military academy in the region. 30 fighters, mostly young Arab women, completed its first two-month training course. Many of the women who joined were motivated to do so because of the injustices they suffered under ISIS—and the example set by the Kurdish women of the YPJ.

In September, 42 women completed a course at the academy named for Amara Jarablus, an SDF fighter from Manbij who lost her life in Raqqa. In December, 48 more women completed a course named after Sakine Eseliye, another female SDF martyr from Manbij. In total, more than 100 women joined the SDF through this academy in its first year of existence.

The Manbij Military Council has published the stories of several female fighters who joined SDF structures in Manbij after the city’s liberation. All of them faced brutal oppression under ISIS rule, and many came from conservative families that restricted their rights even before the group came to power.

One fighter named Parvin was forced to leave school when extremist groups took control of the region. ISIS murdered her father, disappeared her uncle, and kidnapped her brother for ransom. Another fighter, Sabah Ibrahim, was arrested and tortured by ISIS before Manbij was liberated. Another, named Heba, was displaced to Manbij from Tadif. Her first husband was killed fighting ISIS as a member of the SDF, and she joined herself months after her family forced her to remarry.

Political Institutions and Civil Society

While women’s participation in the YPJ and SDF has attracted international attention, the role of women in civilian institutions in the AANES is no less important. These institutions have been largely responsible for the day-to-day efforts to change discriminatory social attitudes and empower Syrian women in their communities.

Manbij was one of the first places where AANES political structures and social policies were implemented in an area without a Kurdish demographic majority. Yekitiya Star, the confederation of women’s organizations in North and East Syria, was active in Manbij as early as 2013, establishing a Women’s Knowledge and Education Center there in March of that year.

Since its liberation from ISIS, women from all of the different ethnic and religious groups in the region have participated actively in women’s political institutions and civil society organizations.

Women in the Democratic Civil Administration

In 2017, when the Manbij Democratic Civil Administration was formally created, it was established with a co-chair system and the 40% quota for women’s representation that is mandatory across North and East Syria.

Its leaders noted the initial difficulty of finding non-Kurdish women who were willing to participate:

“The greatest challenge was to win enough women among the non-Kurds for this function in accordance with the gender quota of 40% as agreed. This was due to the fact that among them, so far very few women had been active in the public-political sphere and the question of women’s rights had hardly been posed in a serious manner. For several weeks we struggled for a sufficient number of women to be represented in the legislative. Only because 50% of the Kurds in the legislative of the Manbij Democratic Administration were women, was it possible to observe the quota.”

Some early female leaders in the civil administration included Zeyneb Qenber, co-chair of the Executive Council of the Manbij Democratic Civil Administration; Jamila Ahmed, deputy co-chair of the Administration; Nufa Suleiman, co-chair of the Defense Committee; and Hanan Mohammed, co-chair of the Economy Committee.

Qenber was considered prominent enough to meet directly with Coalition officials and U.S. diplomats in her capacity as Co-Chair, suggesting that she held real authority.

Today, Nazifa Khalo serves as co-chair of the Executive Council of the Administration. She previously served on the Legislative Council. Noura al-Hamid serves as deputy co-chair of the Executive Council. Zozan Hussein is Co-Chair of the Legislative Council.

Women’s Houses

The first women’s institution established in liberated Manbij was a Mala Jin, or women’s house, which was opened in the city in November 2016.

Women’s houses are unique institutions in North and East Syria that protect victims of gender-based violence, resolve domestic disputes, and intervene to prevent women from being exploited and oppressed.

Within a month of the first women’s house being opened in Manbij, local media reported that it had accepted 25 cases, of which seven had been resolved and 18 were still under investigation. 15 Arab and Kurdish women had been working in the house during that time period, and efforts were underway to involve Turkmen and Circassian women.

In May 2017, another women’s house was opened in Abu Qalqal, in the countryside south of the city. Six women in total worked there, including the administrator of the house.

Iman Hamsho, who works with the women’s houses in the region, stated that this house had received the most serious cases and the highest volume of cases as of 2019.

In September 2017, a third house was established in Al Hayya, east of Manbij. It had one administrator, Amani al-Nana, and three other members when it was opened.

In August 2018, a fourth was opened in Al Farat neighborhood.

In total, by 2019, women’s houses in Manbij had taken on over 3,000 cases. Less than 10% of these cases had been referred to the formal legal system, while the majority had either been resolved by the houses or referred to the social justice and reconciliation committees for resolution.

One notable aspect of the work of women’s houses in Manbij was their role in helping women who had suffered from gender-based violence and other oppression under ISIS. Some of the early work carried out by the region’s first women’s house included the formation of a Research Committee, which documented the testimonies of women who were harmed by the terror group.

Women’s Assemblies

Under the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, women’s assemblies are supposed to exist in parallel to mixed-gender institutions at every level of governance. This policy reinforces women’s influence in government, in addition to the quotas and co-chairs systems that ensure their representation in mixed institutions.

The Women’s Assembly in Manbij was established in March 2017. Women from the city’s mixed-gender governing bodies participated in the meeting, as well as representatives of the Revolutionary Arab Youth Movement and the Syrian Democratic Council also attended. Ultimately, 35 women were elected to the Assembly.

The Assembly has coordinated with local women to create smaller women’s assemblies and communes in villages and towns across the region. By May 2019, they had helped establish 43 of these assemblies.

Today, the Women’s Assembly collaborates with other institutions to supervise a variety of projects. Recent efforts of theirs have included a demonstration condemning increasing domestic violence rates under COVID-19 lockdowns and literacy courses for adult women who had not been able to complete their formal education.

Women’s Economic Empowerment

In June 2017, women from Manbij participated in the first Women’s Economy Conference in North and East Syria, which was held in Derik.

The first women’s co-operative in Manbij, the Beit Al Baraka Association, was established in September 2017, with the support of the People’s Municipality of Manbij and the Economic Committee.

This co-operative employed 10 women to grow and prepare vegetables and other food products.

In November 2017, a Women’s Economy Center was opened in the city. The center had three members when it was founded, according to its administrator, Sabah Mohammed.

Today, multiple women’s co-operatives exist in Manbij, providing women with quality employment and working to meet local economic needs. In March 2018, a co-operatively run restaurant was opened. A co-operatively run chicken farm co-operative has also been established.

In a timely example of the role that women’s co-operatives can play in meeting the needs of the communities where they operate, the Martyr Sakine Eseliye Workshop—a textile co-operative that employed almost 28 women when it was founded in 2018—is now producing face masks to help Manbij prepare for the COVID-19 pandemic.

Different women’s institutions work to empower women working in different fields. In one example, ANHA reported in 2017 that women on the Executive Council of the Democratic Civil Administration had met with female staff at Al Furat Hospital, helping them organize a committee for managing women’s concerns in their workplace.

The Women’s Laws in Manbij

Due to conservative attitudes among some segments of the population, the AANES Women’s Laws, adopted in Kobane, Jazira, and Afrin Cantons in 2014, are not applied in full there.

However, women’s institutions do campaign to enforce many of the protections that these laws provide elsewhere. One local report from January 2017 describes a typical case addressed by a local women’s house—a family attempting to force their daughter to get married against her will. The house was able to convince the family to stop the marriage by explaining how it would harm all parties involved. The case did not have to be brought to the formal legal system to be resolved in a way that protected a vulnerable woman’s rights.

Members of women’s organizations in Manbij also meet directly with women in their homes and villages in order to make them aware of their rights and educate them about social problems. In October 2018, the Manbij Women’s Assembly claimed to have met with more than 3,000 women to discuss these issues.

There is evidence that some women in Manbij oppose the lack of formal legal protections that their counterparts in other regions enjoy. In January 2020, the Young Women’s Union in the city demanded laws to protect young women and further efforts to oppose underage marriages.

Jineoloji in Manbij

A jineoloji research center was opened in Manbij on January 2nd, 2018. The opening ceremony was attended by both male and female commanders in the Manbij Military Council, as well as local activists and political figures.

Jineoloji, the Kurdish women’s movement’s “science of women,” is controversial among some conservative populations in North and East Syria. In Deir Ezzor, Arab leaders protested the inclusion of the subject in school textbooks, leading to its removal.

In Manbij, however, the research center has remained open and active for over two years. In July 2019, it held its first training course for young women. In June 2020, it held meetings for both men and women on the importance of respecting women’s rights within families.

Women from Manbij in the AANES

A 2019 survey of the Executive Council of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria conducted by the Rojava Information Center revealed that three members of the 54-person council were women from Manbij.

Alaa Ahmed, an Arab woman, served as Co-Chair of the Health and Environment Commission.

Another Arab woman, Maha Ali, was a deputy leader of the Women’s Commission. Ali had previously been a spokesperson for the Women’s Assembly in Manbij. The selection of an Arab woman from a mixed city to serve in a region-wide political role related to women’s rights shows that the AANES does not want to confine its revolutionary social policies to Kurdish communities.

The most prominent woman from Manbij on the AANES Executive Council was Amal Dada, a member of the region’s Turkmen community. Representing the Syria Future Party, Dada had previously served in the Legislative Assembly in Manbij, and had worked as a teacher prior to the Syrian war. She is now the Co-Chair of the AANES External Relations Commission.

In a 2017 interview with ANF, she described how women’s lives changed after the city’s liberation from ISIS:

Women lived a life of imprisonment inside the house after ISIS came. We could not ever leave the house. Pressures on women increased and we were tortured with the smallest of excuses. They interfered in what we would wear and when we could go out to the street. There was no such thing as private life. First they interfered in schools and later closed them all. Now, women have taken a great initiative and are progressing towards where they should be. It was women to experience the greatest freedom after Manbij was liberated from ISIS. Women now take part in efforts to make the city more beautiful and fraternal. Women from all peoples living in Manbij participate in this reconstruction equally and with their own will.

In 2018, also speaking to ANF, she described the diversity of the region’s government under the Autonomous Administration:

“We have a co-presidency system, we have established our democratic administration under this system, and women are 50 percent of the administration members (in total we are 132). All the peoples in Manbij are represented in a proportionally way…the Administration is made up of 71 representatives for the Arab people, 41 for the Kurdish people, 10 for the Turkmen, 8 for the Circassian and 1 for the Armenian.”

Dada was also actively involved in the promotion of Turkmen cultural identity in Manbij. She suggested in 2018 that a Turkmen cultural association there would be important not only because it would help her community connect with its traditions, but because it would allow Arabs and Kurds to learn about their culture as well, bringing the peoples of Manbij together.

Her role in the AANES Executive Council also suggests that advances in women’s rights in North and East Syria are intended for all communities— even those that opponents of the AANES often seek to co-opt.

Implications

This brief overview of what the revolutionary social policies of the AANES have done over time in a multi-ethnic city that suffered greatly under ISIS rule shows that there was no “foreign” or “imposed” ideology. Rather, women used the opportunities that were presented to them to gain more rights, take on leadership roles, and become active in their communities. What the AANES and SDF did was set an example and open political and social space for women to choose to organize.

In the past 33 years, the Kurdish freedom struggle, the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), and its leader, Abdullah Öcalan, have not only reacted to social changes but shaped them and proposed further steps in the direction of a liberated society.

Significantly, the PKK conceives the Kurdish question as an issue not of nation or ethnicity but of the liberation of society, of both sexes, and of all people. Öcalan’s book Sociology of Freedom is a kind of a road map for the liberation of Rojava and the entire Middle East, highlighting in detail steps toward freedom.

During our journeys through Rojava, we met many people who had close relationships to Öcalan and to others who have decisively participated in the PKK’s history. This ongoing contact has engendered a transformation in the region’s otherwise feudalistic social terrain. The women especially emphasized this connection—they have known about Kurdish women’s liberation ideology for more than twenty years and have been trying to implement it. Thanks to all the close interconnections within the Kurdish freedom movement, many people [from Rojava] joined the PKK and fought for it in North Kurdistan. So it is a mistake to see the PKK as strictly a North Kurdish phenomenon; this movement also belonged and belongs to tens of thousands of activists from Rojava.

Öcalan’s 1999 arrest, followed by the Assad regime’s intensified repression, gave rise to a period of reorganization in Rojava. After the regime’s 2004 massacre of Kurds in the city of Qamişlo and the subsequent uprising, this reorganization began to gain momentum, to the point of creating armed self-defense units. The leftist Party of Democratic Unity (PYD) had already been founded and quickly became a strong regional political force.  Meanwhile new paradigms emerged from the Kurdish freedom movement and especially from Öcalan, inspired by the work of the libertarian theorist Murray Bookchin, whose model of democratic confederalism and democratic autonomy became a touchstone for the reorientation. Öcalan developed a critique of the history of actually existing socialist states and of national liberation movements, including the PKK itself. As an alternative to conceptions of revolution that strive for an armed uprising and seizure of power, he outlined a plan for a “democratic, ecological, gender-liberated society.” He introduced the concept of an “ethical and political society” that would be self-managed and would situate itself outside the lifeless, homogenous consumer society of capitalism.

Even before the rebellions in Syria began, the Kurds of Rojava had already created the first councils and committees and thereby began to institute a radical democratic organization of most of the region’s population. Starting on June 19, 2012, the cities of Kobanê, Afrîn, Dêrik, and many other places were one by one freed from regime control; the strength of the reorganization then revealed itself. Military bases were reconfigured, and the vastly outnumbered regime troops were offered the option of withdrawal.  Only in Dêrik did the situation lead to a struggle, with a few casualties. But even here, as people in Dêrik told us, the new self-organization prevented violent attacks and acts of destruction and revenge.

Self-Defense and the “Third Way”

As we considered this phase and the politics of the Kurdish movement in Rojava, we also observed the implementation of another paradigm of Democratic Confederalism: self-defense and the primacy of nonviolent solutions. The Kurdish movement and especially the PYD were organized before the Syrian revolution began resisting the Assad regime. At that time they saw it as a matter of democratic transformation; a militarization of the conflict was to be avoided. But with the outbreak of war, Islamization, and the heteronomy of the Syrian revolt, the Kurdish movement in Rojava decided to go a third way: it would side neither with the regime nor with the opposition.  It would defend itself, but it would not wage war. The movement has remained this politics up to the present [July 2014].  Thus in Qamişlo, in the quarters that were inhabited by regime supporters, regime military units were still tolerated. The same was true for the airport. The goal was and is always to reach a political, democratic solution for all of Syria.

The Commune as the Center of Society

“The creation of an operational level where all kinds of social and political groups, religious communities, or intellectual tendencies can express themselves directly in all local decision-making processes can also be called participative democracy.”

— Abdullah Öcalan, Democratic Confederalism (London, 2011), p. 26.

Democratic Confederalism has as its goal the autonomy of society: in other words, instead of the state governing society, a politicized society manages itself. As against capitalist modernity, it proposes democratic modernity. In Rojava, to make this system possible, the center of the social system became the commune. The commune, the self-management of the streets, would emerge as the hub of the society.

Decision making in the communes requires that quotas be met—that is, in order to make a decision, here and in all councils in Rojava, at least 40 percent of those who participate in the discussions must be women. In the communes, current issues of administration, energy, and food supply, as well as social problems like patriarchal violence, family conflicts, and much else, are discussed and if possible resolved. The communes have commissions that address all social questions, everything from the organization of defense to justice to infrastructure to youth to the economy and the construction of individual co-operatives—such as bakeries, clothing production, and agricultural projects. The ecology commissions concern themselves with urban sanitation as well as specifically ecological problems. At the forefront is the imperative to strengthen the social position of women: committees for women’s economy help women develop economic independence.

The commune, as the mala gel (people’s house), lends support in all questions; it is simultaneously an institution of support and a kind of court. Central to its processes is the ideal of agreement and compensation; for general offences, the causes of an infraction are investigated and overcome, and the victim is protected. For patriarchal violence and all attacks that affect women, the mala jin (women’s house) is in charge; it is attached to the women’s council, a parallel structure to the commune’s mixed-gender council.

As we ourselves could see, meanwhile, people of the most diverse identities take part in the communes, especially Arabs and Assyrians. The mala jin likewise works to solve social problems and responsible for implementing the goals of women’s liberation. As much as possible, the councils prefer to vote by consensus. The communes send their representatives to their respective district councils and city councils, and the structure continues into the general council of Rojava.

Democratic Autonomy and the Nation-State

“Peaceful coexistence between the nation-state and democratic confederalism is possible, as long as the nation-state doesn’t interfere with central matters of self-administration.  All such interventions would call for the self-defense of the civil society.”

–Abdullah Öcalan, Democratic Confederalism, p. 32.

Democratic Confederalism is a form of self-management and thus stands in contrast to the model of the state. It is an attempt at permanent social revolution, as is reflected in every facet of the social structure.  Overcoming the nation-state is seen as a long-term goal. The state will be overcome when Democratic Confederalism in practice assumes all structures into its self-organization and self-management. In that society neither statist nor territorial boundaries will play a role.

Indeed, by virtue of the self-management of society, Democratic Confderalism renders the state and the nation-state redundant. In this social model the commune, the council, and the society are integrated, with the commune is the political center. In outward form the region of Rojava has chosen to follow the Swiss cantonal model, structuring itself in terms of the cantons’ far-reaching regional autonomy. Ideally the canton arises from the cooperation of the autonomous political councils. While the nation-state is based on social homogenization through the construction of identity and its reflexively coercive implementation, Democratic Confederalism is based on social diversity. Over the course of world history, the nation-state has been compromised by bloodshed.

In this region, typically only the Arabizing politics of Syria and the Turkicizing politics of Turkey were discussed. But Syria is home to Sunni and Shiite Arabs, Sunni Kurds, Assyrian Christians, Chaldeans, Yezidi Kurds, Armenians, Aramaeans, Chechens, Turkmens, and many other cultural, religious or ethnic groups. All these social groups should achieve representation through the council system with its corresponding quotas.

The commune, as the structure of self-management that directly binds to the neighborhood, must therefore be the center of political self-management. In order to raise the level of social organization, it provides educational forums for members of the commune, on topics like democratic self-determination and rights, women’s liberation, the history of Syria, the history of Kurdistan, the Kurdish language, and many other social issues.

On our journey in the region, we saw that the success in implementation varies from region to region. In many areas Arab councils and especially the Assyrians work very closely together with the Democratic Society Movement (TEV-DEM).  Central positions are allocated to three or four co-chairpersons, who correspond to the social groups of the region.

The Highest Council, or Parliamentary Democracy?

While in many areas the Kurdish population already has decades of experience with the Kurdish movement’s concepts of women’s liberation and social freedom, here too there are of course also divergences. Some wish to organize in classical parties rather than in councils.

This problem has been solved in Rojava through a dual structure. On one hand a parliament is chosen, to which free elections under international supervision are to take place as soon as possible. This parliament forms a parallel structure to the councils; it forms a transitional government, in which all political and social groups are represented, while the council system forms a kind of parallel parliament. The structuring and rules of this collaboration are at the moment under discussion.

Closing the Gap

Mamosta Abdulselam, of TEV-DEM in Heseke, has explained the system of communes in Heseke. “There was a gap between the councils and the people—that’s why we developed the commune system,” says Mamosta Abdul. “There are 16 district councils here. On each council there are 15 to 30 people. About 50 houses form a commune. The communes are numerous—in each district there are about 10-30 communes with 15-30 persons each. The Mifte district in Heseke has 29 communes, while the neighboring district has 11 communes. Each district forms about 20 communes per 1,000 people. The 16 district councils are formed form the communes. One hundred and one people sit on Heseke’s city council. In addition, the PYD has five representatives, as do five other parties. Families of the Fallen have five, Yekitiya Star [later renamed Kongra Star] has five, the Revolutionary Youth have five, and the Liberals have five. The district councils normally meet every two months. Twenty-one people are elected as the coordination. The leadership meetings take place once a month and as needed in special cases. Always at least 40 percent of the representatives are women and at least 40 percent are men. Decisions are made according to consensus principle. Care is taken that one person doesn’t dominate the proceedings. The co-chairs are elected. Members of the commune nominate them and then elect them.”

Women’s Work

At the beginning of our stay in Rojava, Sirin Ibraham Ömer, a 45-year-old woman from the district of Hileli in Qamişlo, reported to us on women’s work in her commune.

“We are 60 active women in our commune. Once a week we do educational work—we read books together and then discuss them. Twice a month we visit other women and explain the tasks of the revolution.  Many are much influenced by the logic of the state—they don’t see themselves as people who can manage their own affairs. They have many children, and there are many arguments at home. The children are outside on the street and play instead of going to school. We’re concerned about that. If a family has no income, we have a committee for that, to provide the basic foodstuffs.

The peace committee talks with the families. If there is violence in a family, the woman can get help from the Asayiş. In Hileli meanwhile it’s socially disapproved for a man to hit his wife—that’s all but come to a stop. In other districts it’s still present in places. Here it was usual for the television to be on 24 hours in an apartment, with Turkish broadcasts in Arabic language—that was a big problem. But when the energy suddenly went off, so did the TVs, and people’s minds were cleared to do something else.

Many women are married off very young, even as children, so that there will be no extramarital pregnancies. Now they see that education is good for them, that they can have a better life.

Once a week we go out and collect a little money—it’s a symbolic way to help. We distribute the weekly newspaper (Rohahi)—it’s very cheap, so everyone can read it. It appears in Arabic and Kurdish. When we all get together now, our topics are not gossip and chitchat as before, but political developments and the women’s organization. We know it all here in the district.

In many districts there are also so-called women’s houses. They aren’t women’s safe houses like in Germany, but houses where women can get together and educate one another and talk about heir problems. They frequently offer classes in computers, language, and sewing.

The most important work of the women’s houses is however to provide assistance against social sexism. “The women come to us, when they have a problem. Not only the Kurdish women but also the Arab women,” says a representative of the women’s houses, Serê Kaniyê.

We witnessed such an inquiry. Two older Arab women arrived and asked the women at the women’s house for help. “Through the commune system we know every family,” says Serê Kaniyê, “we know every family’s economic situation, and we know who hits his wife and his children. We go directly there and speak with those affected, until it gets to a solution.” She agrees on a date with the two women, to find a solution for their problem.

Conflict Resolution

The commune is a place not only of self-organization but also of social conflict resolution. It concerns itself with social problems in the districts, support of poorer members of the commune, and the just distribution of fuel, bread, and foodstuffs. Meetings of the commune handle not only conflicts, the usual neighborhood fights, but also violence against children, and resolution is attempted. In Dêrik we attended a meeting of representatives of a commune: they were discussing the case of a family that had tied up a child. This behavior was now monitored and controlled. If the misbehavior continues, the children will be taken to a protected place.

The original article appeared in the July-August 2014 issue of the German-language periodical Kurdistan Report.