Since the start of the revolution in Rojava, Kongra Star, an umbrella organization for all women’s organizations and institutions in North and East Syria, has developed projects and established cooperatives to promote women’s economic empowerment and increase women’s participation in the labor force.

In an interview with NuJINHA, Rozelîn Bekir, member of Kongra Star Economy Committee, gave information about their activities and their projects in the future.

‘Some precautions have been taken due to the lack of rainfall this year’

“At the beginning of each year, Kongra Star determines its new economic strategy,”

Rozelîn Bekir told us. “This year, we have decided to continue our previous projects on trade and agriculture and make more efforts for some cooperatives we established in previous years. We have taken some precautions and measures due to the lack of rainfall this year. We assigned three families to cooperatives in the city of Hasakah, and we have drilled water wells for agricultural areas. We have developed new projects in the cities of Tabqa, Raqqa and Deir ez-Zor.”

‘Agricultural lands have been damaged in the attacks’

Rozelîn Bekir commented on the ongoing Turkish attacks on the region, targeting the infrastructure. “Last year was a difficult year for us because the attacks of the Turkish state have targeted the infrastructure of the region for two years, causing great damage to the regional economy,” she said.

“The attacks also affect us, as the Kongra Star Economy Committee. We have taken some precautions to minimize the damage. We held meetings and decided to install solar panels in some agricultural areas and grow vegetables in agricultural lands. We have a project called ‘Lavîn’ in the city of Hasakah. The project aims to manufacture women’s clothing. We bought new sewing machines. We also provide vocational courses for women to increase women’s labor participation. We have established sewing workshops in Kobanê.”

‘We have created employment opportunities for women in Aleppo’

Rozelîn Bekir also gave information about their activities in the city of Aleppo. “We have created employment opportunities for women in the Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh neighborhoods of Aleppo. We have opened a sewing workshop and Arab and Kurdish women work together at the workshop.”

‘Developing the communal economy is the duty of women’

Kongra Star Economy Committee aims to develop more projects in the upcoming years. “We aim to develop new projects across the region in the future. One of our projects is to build large factories and workshops in some areas to manufacture clothes for women and children. We will do what North and East Syria needs, we are ready to build our society. Building the social economy and developing the communal economy is the duty of women.”

Since the revolution that started in North and East Syria on July 19, 2012, women have been participating in all facets of life, including the labour force. Being excluded from working life before the revolution, the women now play important roles in promoting regional and local production.

Kongra Star Economy Committee in Hasakah provides employment opportunities to women by developing projects despite the ongoing siege imposed by the Syrian government and the Turkish attacks. It also promotes women’s participation in the labour force to secure their financial future. The committee has opened sewing workshops and established a factory employing more than 35 women. It promotes women’s labour force participation by opening bakeries in IDPs camps such as Washokani Camp and Al-Talea Camp.

‘We aim to reveal the collective spirit’

The aim of our projects is to increase women’s independence and participation in the labor force, said Salma Ahmed, member of the committee. “The main purpose of our projects is to empower women and support them to get their economic independence without depending on anyone. We aim to reveal the collective spirit by making women partners of the projects.”

‘Women should participate in the labor force’

In Hasakah, women take part in many projects developed by the committee about agriculture, carpet weaving, bakery, sewing and gardening. “25 women work in the sewing workshop. This project will continue for a year,” said Salma Ahmed, who also talked about the projects that they want to realise soon. “Wells will be dug for irrigation. In addition, there is a need for women who can work as carpet cleaners. We will hold meetings with communes to reach women. During the meetings, we will give information about cooperatives.”

Salma Ahmed believes that women should participate in the labour force to get their economic independence and support their families. “Women should take part in the projects of the committee because these projects will prevent women from being exploited by men.”

The Women’s Economy Committee in Hasakah, northeastern Syria, has been providing job opportunities to women by developing projects since it was established in 2015. In an interview with NuJINHA, Turkiye Sidu, a member of the committee, said that the committee is one of the most prominent organizations providing support to women with the aim of building a communal life for women and promoting women’s economic empowerment.

“Women in North and East Syria play an important role in all facets of life, especially in economy. We have developed many projects, including agricultural projects, by working in cooperation with the women’s cooperatives,” she told us.

Noting that there are many women who have to work to earn a living because they are the only breadwinners of their families, Turkiye Sidu said, “We have provided them job opportunities by developing projects. One of these projects is the sewing project. More than 30 women work in sewing workshops. We have also developed a bakery project in Shaddadi and Hasakah. At least five women running the bakeries. We also have a canned food project. There are many women running the canned food factory now.”

‘The aim is to promote women’s participation in social life’

The aim of the projects is to provide job opportunities to homeless women and their families so that they can earn a living without depending on anyone. “Another aim of the projects is to promote women’s participation in social life. When women work together, they share their experiences and get to know each other. Therefore, our main aim is to promote women’s participation in social life,” she said.

 Future projects of the committee

Speaking about the future projects of the committee, Turkiye Sidu said, “We have developed many projects and we will put these projects into practice soon. One of these projects is growing summer vegetables while the other is the carpet-cleaning workshop. We work coordinately with the councils to put our projects into practice. We hold meetings before putting our projects into practice to give information to women about the projects. Most of the women taking part in these projects are displaced women from Serêkaniyê and Girê Spî, which are under occupation of the Turkish state and its mercenaries. For this reason, we hold most of our meetings in IDPs camps.”

‘These projects are an opportunity for women’

“These projects are an opportunity for women so that they can build their own economy as well as help their families to meet their basic needs,” Turkiye Sidu said, “The committee also provides psychological and financial support to women by developing projects for them. The door of the Women’s Economy Committee is open for all women who want to earn a living.”

Pointing out that the women have improved the economy in Rojava, Armanc Mihemed, executive of the Economy Committee of Kongra Star, said that they have achieved significant successes by realizing many projects.

In history, the economy was improved by women; however, all economic gains of women were taken by men due to the patriarchal mentality. After the revolution in Rojava, the women working in the economy have conducted many significant projects. One of the most important committees of Kongra Star is the Economic Committee. The committee has developed many projects to empower women’s economy. The committee has worked coordinately with cooperatives in trade, agriculture, textile, food and industry areas. Armanc Mihemed, executive of the Economy Committee of Kongra Star, spoke to NuJINHA about the activities of the committee.

“Women put the communal economy into effect”

Stating that the economy was created by women thousands of years ago, Armanc Mihemed said, “Agriculture, and industry were discovered by working women. However, dominant men took away all the economic values of women. After the dominant men took control of the economy, the state system was imposed on society. When the women controlled the economy, they had a communal economy. Women generally thought of the whole society and shared the economic incomes equally. But the dominant men confined women to home as slaves after taking the control of the economy. Although thousands of years have passed, the influence of the male-dominated culture on the economy still continues. Although women are educated and have a great job in the state system, they face great obstacles and difficulties.”

“Women have left their mark in history”

Underlining that the revolution in Rojava paves the way for the revolution in women’s economy, Armanc Mihemed continued to talk as follows: “After the revolution in Rojava, women have improved their economy. The women have left their mark in the economy in history. The women have also played important roles in politics, culture and every part of life. The Revolution in Rojava is actually the women’s revolution.”

“The Economy Committee was formed in 2015”

Noting that the first economic organization of women in Rojava was in 2014, Armanc Mihemed said, “After field works, the Economy Committee was officially formed in 2015. Since then, we have worked to empower women economically. First, the cooperatives were established to support women. Our aim is to support women to improve themselves in the economy in order to stand on their own legs. Women first started working in agriculture and they, of course, faced many difficulties at first. In 2015, many women took part in the committee. We opened our first office in the Cizîrê region. At that time, women got to know what the economy is. Although the customs and traditions of our society posed an obstacle to women, they never gave up and took great steps in the economy.”

“Women developed and realized projects”

Speaking about their economics projects, Armanc Mihemed said, “We carried out many projects in the field of industry, textile and trade within the framework of the perception of the cooperative. We can say that we launched many cooperatives for trial purposes. Although we faced many obstacles, we never stopped. We held meetings and training to tell what the cooperatives are. We opened the Women’s Economy offices in all regions of Northern and Eastern Syria and provided training to the members. In this way, we have overcome the obstacles and difficulties faced by women by struggling. Finally, we opened offices in the liberated Arab regions. Many Arab women took part in the committee. We developed tandoori, textile and oven projects in these regions and many women work in these projects now. We developed an agriculture project in Tirbespiyê district and there are 80 greenhouses in the district now. Nearly 80 women have worked in the greenhouses. We also developed an agriculture project in Dêrik. The women plant vegetables and sell them in the markets.”

“About 3,300 women work for cooperatives”

Drawing attention to their textile projects, Armanc Mihemed said, “We have carried out the textile projects in the Euphrates, Shehba, Cizîr and Dêrê regions. Women sew clothes and sell them in the Lavin clothing shop. Women also produce canned food for winter. These products are sold in the markets. About 3,300 women work for the cooperatives. We have carried out our tandoori projects. In Serêkaniyê, women baked bread during the attacks to not leave the people hungry. Women voluntarily participate in the economy. We want to develop more projects for women according to their demands.”

New projects

Stating that women have taken part in the economy again after the revolution in Rojava, Armanc Mihemed said, “We want to develop more projects for women in the future. This year, we will establish a special academy and provide ideological training there. We also want to develop a livestock development project in communes. Our tandoori and agriculture projects will continue. If women have economics projects, we will support them to realize their projects.”

Part 10: Women keep culture alive

Cultural and artistic activities are the most important activities in Rojava. While many projects have been conducted with the participation of women, children and young people from ethical groups, Rûken Mihemed, executive of the Hîlala Zêrîn Culture and Art Movement, emphasized that the post-revolution culture is kept alive by women.

We can say that the culture has been renewed and modernized in the 21st century by women. After the revolution in Rojava, cultural and artistic activities have been carried out; many songs have been written, theater plays have been staged and films have been shot about the resistance. Women founded Hîlala Zêrin, women’s culture and art movement, in 2016 in Rojava. Many women, children and youth take part in the activities of the Hîlala Zêrin. We spoke to Rûken Mihemed, executive of the Hîlala Zêrîn Culture and Art Movement, about their activities.

“Hîlala Zêrîn was founded in 2016”

Stating that there were cultural and artistic activities in Rojava before the revolution, Rûken Mihemed said that women couldn’t participate in these activities due to social pressure. “After the revolution, women began to organize themselves in culture and art. The cultures of the peoples were destroyed; their languages were assimilated by the sovereign powers. We needed an organization to revive, create and weave our culture. In 2016, we officially founded Hîlala Zêrîn.”

“We have protected the legacy of women”

Underlining that they have protected and kept alive the legacy of the Rojava Kurdistan revolution, Rûken Mihemed stated,”We prepared a regulation according to the women’s movement and its history. Since the foundation of the movement, important cultural and artistic activities have been carried out. Our aim is to protect and keep alive the legacy of the Revolution in Rojava, also known as women’s revolution. We held our first congress in 2017 with the participation of 200 delegates consisting of Arab, Kurdish, Syriac and Circassian women. At the first congress, we determined the name of the movement as Kevana Zêrin. We opened our first offices in Afrin and Aleppo after the congress. We opened a school for children. We have carried out works that reveal women’s ability in art.”

“We have revealed the original culture of women”

Rûken Mihemed continued to talk as follows: “Sovereign states constantly attack the culture and history of the peoples. We can see this in Afrin, where the attacks aim to destroy the historical sites and change the demographic structure. The attacks on Til Xelef, a historical town of Serêkaniyê, also show this. For this reason, we first began to research and collect the archives and voices of women. We found many ancient records and archives of women. We have also revealed the culture of folklore, food, old instruments, songs, dengbêj and clothing of women. We have revealed the original culture of women. Our aim is to document, renew/modernize the culture of peoples. We have formed folklore and dengbêj groups consisting of mothers. At the beginning, women were shy or had difficulties due to the customs and traditions of the society, but they have overcome those difficulties and appeared on the stage.”

“We have passed down the fairy tale culture”

Pointing to the old tales, Rûken Mihemed said, “We have collected and documented old fairy tales. We developed a project about the old fairy tales with JIN TV to pass down the fairy tale culture. We have produced a television program. In the program, women, especially mothers, tell old fairy tales. The Culture and Art Committee (of Kongra Star) holds a festival once a year with the participation of many organizations. Women have written many songs about the revolution. Culture and art have played an important role in the revolution.”

“Arab women play an important role in the culture and art”

Speaking about the cultural and artistic activities in Arab regions, Rûken Mihemed said, “Arab children were confined to their homes at the age of 12-13 by their families, we broke this mentality. Arab women participate in activities with their children now. After we opened culture and art centers in Arab regions, Arab women began to participate in these activities. Arab women have struggled to keep their culture and arts alive. This shows that Arab women understand the democratic nation project of leader Apo (Abdullah Öcalan). Now, there are many theater, folklore and musical groups in the Arab regions. Arab women play an important role in the culture and art.”

Cultural and vocational training

Emphasizing that they have realized the Cultural Revolution within the revolution, Rûken Mihemed said, “Women carrying out cultural and artistic activities have played a great role in the activities for the International Women’s Day, March 8, Newroz celebrations and Hozan Mizgin commemoration events. We, as Hîlala Zêrin, composed a song about Hozan Mizgin. We see Eyşe Şan, Meryem Xan and Hozan Mizgin as our art teachers. We have realized the Cultural Revolution within the revolution (Revolution in Rojava). We have tried to form our own system against the capitalist system.”

Projects for children

Stating that they have developed projects for children, Rûken Mihemed said that they have organized many courses such as baglama, guitar, kaval and violin courses for children. “A children’s festival has been held for six years. The last four festivals were organized under the leadership of Hilala Zêrin,” she said.

They will open the Women’s Culture and Art Academy

Speaking about their new projects, Rûken Mihemed said, “We opened Berçem Studio last year. We recorded two songs for Zeynep Kınacı (Zilan) in the studio. We will open the Culture and Art Academy. We will support the women, who lost their husbands in war, in culture and art. We have recently worked on opening the Women’s Culture and Art Academy. We will keep organizing language courses.”

The Free Women Movement, at the forefront of Kurdish liberation

Women occupy a central role in the political project of « democratic autonomy » defended by the Kurdish liberation movement for the past fifteen years. We often hear talk of the parity practiced in all its institutions and of the male-female co-presidencies. But the accomplishments and the strength of the women’s movement go well beyond that and manage to unite a great number of women.

In the spring of 2016, on the occasion of the March 8th celebrations (international woman’s day), a delegation of women left Paris for Kurdistan in Turkey (Bakûr). We were able to participate for a week in demonstrations and meetings, to meet with many women of the movement and to better understand how they organize. This text is inspired by that trip but also by information obtained in France, through books, films, articles and meetings.

Sakine Cansız, emblem of the history of Kurdish women’s struggles

In order to understand the Free Women’s Movement, we must step back some forty years to its roots in the workers and students’ revolts at the end of the seventies. Many women participated in these social movements, wishing to bring changes to the society of that time. It is impossible to ignore a mythical figure in the women’s movement, Sakine Cansız, who was assassinated in Paris in 2013. Through her life story, one can follow the main stages of this movement’s history.

Born in Dersim and raised in an Alevi family, Sakine quickly found herself refusing the roles tradition assigns to women. At a young age, she demanded space as a free woman, refused to stay closed in at home, did not want to marry nor to bear children. Close to marxist-leninist ideology, Sakine envisioned her life at the service of revolution. During a month-long stay in Germany she discovered the power and magnitude of the Kurdish cause. Inspired by this, she returned to Turkey and began to imagine a revolutionary movement based on Kurdish demands. At this time she worked in a factory in Izmir where she fought for better working conditions.

It was in Ankara, around the university, at the crossroads of student and worker demands, that she met Öcalan and the other activists with whom she founded the PKK, the Kurdistan Workers Party. At that time, with other activists, Sakine started visiting towns and villages in Bakûr, to spread the revolutionary ideas of this budding organization. In a society where non-mixity (segregation of the sexes) is practiced both inside and outside domestic spaces, she had a privileged access to other women. Like other PKK activists, she constantly moved from one home to another, sheltered by comrades, and working door to door, thus allowing for constant information on women’s needs. She organized discussions, lectures and meetings between women in order to intensify their solidarity. Shortly before the 1980 coup d’état, the wave of repression did not spare Sakine who spent several years in Diyarbakır prison. Even in this inferno of torments, she continued to fight and her example strengthened women’s solidarity both inside and outside prison thanks to the wives, sisters and mothers of prisoners. When she left jail, Sakine joined the PKK training camps which by then had taken up arms. She wanted to create a women’s army, convinced that in order to liberate Kurdistan there must be emancipation for all women, whether Kurdish or not. Officially born in 1995, the women’s army set up headquarters in the Qandil mountains in Iraki Kurdistan where the women trained, studied feminism, questioned themselves about democracy and fought against the Turkish army that attacked them regularly. Their organizational methods and principles « contaminated » civilian society where more and more women were inspired by them. According to Ayşe Gökkan (former mayor of Nusaybin –declared a “women’s town” – and present spokesperson for the women’s movement), the civilian women’s movement was born from the synergy experienced with the fighters : if those women could organize in the mountains, then it was possible to do the same in the towns.

This growing movement, Sakine Cansız’ proximity and her ideas profoundly inspired PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan. Imprisoned since 1999, he became interested in Murray Bookchin’s social ecology and developed the concept of democratic confederalism. It consists in a revolutionary proposal for self-organization where decisions are taken in a non-hierarchical fashion, horizontally and from bottom to top, through a system of neighborhood and village assemblies, multi-confessional and multi-ethnic, that choose the spokespersons who will express the wishes of the assemblies where the other spokespersons gather. In this new form of organization, anticapitalistic and anti Nation-State, a central role is devolved to ecology and to women. Men and patriarchy are responsible for this untenable world: by wanting to dominate the world, the masculine has created class, gender and people divisions opposing women one against the other, and perpetuating the wars destroying the planet. In recent years, the women’s movement has kept on growing in civilian society and women are present in all organizational structures. Their word can no longer be ignored, it is through the emancipation of women that we will change society and the world.

A radical approach to the liberation of all women

The orientalist and racist visions often found in Europe – including in institutional feminist quarters – render difficult an understanding of the potential of the women’s struggle in Kurdistan; the image of the young armed fighter comes in opposition to that of the mother of 10 children or of the veiled student… Well, all those women are part of this same movement, share their experiences and their knowledge, help one another in dealing with daily problems and patriarchal violence, and give one another strength to continue resisting against State violence. This movement fights in order to break the image of the « liberated » woman sold to us by « capitalist modernity » and attempts to bring confidence and solidarity to women so that they will free themselves in their own ways. It is by attempting to break down the prejudices and the barriers set up between women by the patriarchal mentality conveyed by capitalism and the Nation-State that this movement manages to unite a broad cross section of women of all ages, creeds and social classes.

Contrary to the gains made in Europe by feminist movements in the realm of individual freedoms, the Kurdish women’s movement gives priority to collective freedoms, in other words to the liberation of their communities and of all women within them. This rests on the notion that if a single woman in the world is not free, then no woman can feel free. This is what underlies the fierce struggle for the global liberation of women. « If women are under attack somewhere, all women should react as if they were being attacked », this was one of the conclusions of the 1st Conference of Middle Eastern Women in May 2013. In order to illustrate the starting point to their struggle, we reproduce an introductory text from the flyer presenting the Congress of Free Women. « The Nation-State of capitalistic modernity has developed all kinds of destructive policies against women in order to empty social life of all content. Diversity being a part of the very nature of social life has been considered threatening, and women do not have the possibility of living with their own cultures and identities. Woman is ignored in society and enclosed within the smallest power cell of masculine domination, which is none other than the family. In an economy resting on profit and exploitation, women have been placed in the position of a free work force, dispossessed and even merchandized. A vulgar scientism insures the constant reproduction of the dominant masculine mentality. No matter how much womanhood may be discussed as a notion, women’s originality, their freedom and their socialization have been ignored. Violence, massacres, abuse and rapes perpetuated against women essentially in this capitalistic modernity are not just a coincidence. Rape, transformed into a culture, a system and a policy, has been legitimized in all economic, social, political and ideological areas of society. While considering man as nature’s dominator and institutionalizing the ruling mentality, a merciless war has been launched against society, women and nature. In the end, instrumentalized women have been kept away from all social organizations and from all mechanisms dealing with decisions regarding their development. This power, through every means and tool, aims at the founding of a system completely enslaving women. »

Here is another illustration of the approach to women’s struggles in Bakûr through the lens of an association that works there on the local level. In the town of Amed, we were able to meet members of the Ceren Women’s Association, founded in 2008, that works on several fronts and that now has a multifunctional space for its activities (a large wooden house the women built in an environnment of multi-storied appartement buildings !) : library and study space, language classes (in Kurdish), writing classes to record their history, letter writing to prisoners (since not everyone knows how to write in Turkish, the only language allowed in jail), classes in new technologies, accompaniment for reproductive health, discussions and conferences. In their presentation brochure, the association’s women explain why they are leading this struggle. Here are some excerpts :

« For thousands of years, women have been the target of ideological attacks. Therefore we consider that our struggle as women must also be ideological. […] We have been excluded from politics, from science, from philosophy and from literature. […] We are organizing because we refuse to be enslaved, because we want to highlight our strength of initiative and put it at the service of society. »

Coordination of women’s struggles and collective self-defense

During our first exchange with Ayşe Gökkan – the KJA spokesperson who accompanied us throughout our trip – she told us that « after 40 years of struggle, the women’s movement is powerful. It intervenes in the family, in society, at State level, because we must change mentalities everywhere. Men know the power of the movement and pay attention. Sometimes, some men have used scandals and slander against politically powerful women. But the women’s organization helps in stopping that. »

Women seem to have managed in making non-mixity acceptable at all levels of the Kurdish liberation movement. Nowadays, there is no discussion on women’s right to settle their own problems and find the best solutions to them. In the same way, they encourage women who need it to organize in chosen non-mixity (relative to their beliefs, for instance) and to choose delegates in the women’s groups to carry their voice. A woman from the DBP party tells us that society is changing, even people who aren’t particularly politicized demonstrate this; as an example, the number of feminicides is falling in Kurdistan. « Women have started to face up to men at home and at work. Men have started to accept women as leaders and to live their political involvement along with that of women. »

Since the years 2000, the women’s movement in Bakûr has structured itself in an attempt to assemble the different components of the women’s struggles and to promote locally women’s councils beyond those of the political parties. Since 2003, the DÖKH (Democratic Free Women’s Movement) had regrouped women’s organizations : associations, academies, cooperatives, women’s shelters and 25 local councils. In February 2015, the movement restructured and gave birth to the Congress of Free Women (KJA) with 501 delegates at its first assembly. The KJA now structures the movement. All women who participate in the Kurdish liberation movement belong, first of all, to the KJA. According to Ayşe, « the KJA is a woman’s first identity, no matter her creed or her political affiliation. » In the 1980s and ‘90s, the movement was still quite patriotic – Kurdish nationalist – but has not ceased evolving since; now, the KJA attempts to encompass all women of different cultures living in Kurdistan. In their own words : « The KJA is the democratic and confederative umbrella of women against a unitary and centralized, capitalistic and modernist Nation-State. The KJA is the organ of common solidarity, of self-empowerment and of autonomy for women of all creeds, cultures and societies of peoples living in Mesopotamia. »

The Congress is based on the principle that « society will liberate itself only if woman liberates herself ». KJA’s objective is « unifying the power of women’s struggles in all organized structures and all parts of society against the dominant masculine system. » To this aim, the KJA regroups towns and women’s councils (local structures in neighborhoods and towns), women’s organizations (that do not abide by the diktats of the State), elected women (of the DBP in the town halls, as well as deputies of the HDP), and persons having accepted the principles of the Congress. Thus are assembled women who discuss their problems within the communes in their neighborhoods as well as civilian organization activists, politicians, lawyers, teachers, etc. A 20 % quota is reserved for youth : « the young women’s movement is important for it is the one best positioned to change the system », Ayşe tells us.

The KJA’s structure follows a confederal model starting at the local level called a « commune » where delegates are elected. They meet in « neighborhood councils », where some representatives are elected to form the town council and, finally, the General Assembly at Congress. The seat of the movement is in Amed (that one can consider as the capital of Bakûr), just as is the « diplomacy » commission responsible for all external communications and who thus greeted our delegation.

The work of the Free Women’s Congress is carried out in three commissions handling economy, politics, social issues, diplomacy, justice and human rights, ecology, media, peoples and religious beliefs, language and education, culture, local governments, the fight against violence, and self-defense. Indeed, the commissions attempt to cover all the needs identified by the different structures. A good part of their efforts center on the fight against domestic violence as well as family and State violence against children; on communal economy (making women’s work visible); on education (starting with literacy classes for women who have not had access to schooling); and on political education and jineology (we will return to this concept later). As pertains to state politics, women have organized to impose a peace process on the Turkish State: perhaps for the first time in the world, a woman, Ceylan Bağrıyanık, was involved in a peace process as representative of the Council for Peace where Kurdish and Turkish women discussed together. In the same manner, they provide themselves with means for a solid representation within the Turkish Parliament. By radically questioning the systems of oppression, the Free Women’s Movement has recently included the issue of vegetarianism, bringing to light the supremacy of the male profile as dominant warrior (which would have begun in the Neolithic period with the figure of the hunter who perfected the tools for hunting prior to using them as war weapons against other humans). Thus the women’s movement casts a critical appraisal on the capitalistic evolution of relations between humans and all that surrounds humanity and gives it the means of survival, and thus shares an awareness for « an ecologial society opposing the oppression of nature by humanity. »

The concept of self-defense is undoubtedly the central point of the women’s movement, self-defense understood as a collective measure. A first aspect consists in reacting to sexist aggressions. When a woman is attacked – in most cases, by her husband – she can rely on the true solidarity of a local group of women to seek solutions and implement them. In this case, the victim decides what she needs as reparation (including in terms of reprisals against the agressor), and the group supporting her implements her decision. The fight against feminicides is also very present, especially since the AKP government has encouraged extreme violence against women. Regular mobilization campaigns raise the issue of rape as a structural policy; here are a few of their slogans: «We are women, we are no one else’s honor, our honor is our freedom », « Let us overcome the culture of rape, let us create a free democratic society », « the massacre of women is the massacre of society ».

But self-defense also involves political self-defense and for that, particular emphasis is placed on political education. Women learn together and become aware of their identity as women, learn about the revolutionary movements in history, re-write a women’s history that has always been ignored. These studies occur within the Women’s Academies and, in particular, in the jineology workshops that aim at building a science made by and for women. According to a document inviting to a conference on jineology in June 2016 in Paris, « jineology wishes to reinterpret – in the perspective and with the intelligence of women – the values, experiences, life events and blocages of women from all social classes accumulated in the course of their history of struggles. This in order for a society of free beings to flourish. Taking possession of unsuspected feminine treasures from the past in the spirit of the XXIst century will provide a strong impetus to the feminine revolution. If we isolated it from the resistance movement, jineology would be valueless. »

Still another section of self-defense consists of armed defense of course, notably against attacks from the army and the police against villages and towns with Kurdish majorities. This is how exclusively feminine self-defense groups were created, among youngsters in the towns (the recently created YPS-Jin) as well as guerillas (the YJA-Star). Women warriors, numerous in the ranks of the guerillas, first gathered together within mixed guerilla groups before creating their own army, the YJA-Star. Within it, the combatants do not only receive training in the military, but they also learn communal living in the mountains, train together in women’s liberation. In brief, they both study and practice jineology.

An organization outside the State, based on solidarity

The theory of democratic confederalism rests on the principle that one cannot destroy capitalism without fighting against the State, just as one cannot fight against the State without destroying patriarchy. In order to undo patriarchy, it is not sufficient to question relationships between men and women. There is also need to deconstruct imposed patriarchal domination and for women to reconstruct their own identity while honoring notions of community, of active solidarity while breaking down the barriers of domination imposed on women.

The women of Bakûr meet together more and more around common struggles for rights to self-determination as Kurdish people and above all as women, in a world that attempts to isolate and individualize them. This lesson in real solidarity greatly inspires the militant women we met during our limited trip. This spirit of fierce struggle is present at all levels, the refusal to give up while faced with the worst difficulties, standing elbow to elbow and giving each other strength to continue resisting as have done so many before them, without taking the time to grieve over close ones and killed comrades, and gathering strength in order to continue the struggle for lost lives. The perseverance of these women is also reflected in their persistence in organizing, in multiplying areas where they can congregate and find the required means to meet their ambitious objectives.

Since the 1990’s, women of Bakûr have equiped themselves with a number of structures and tools responsive to their needs and created a balance of power in society. In summary: they do everything they can to find the means of advancing and constructing little by little that of which they dream. The strategy of the women’s movement consists at once in promoting the non-mixed organization of women at all levels, and insuring in parallel an equalitarian participation in mixed structures.

Our delegation was greeted in each town by co-mayors and other women of the movement; we were able to hear the vision of responsible members of different structures, but always from the women’s points of view. These were activists from the PKK of course, but also from legally-recognized parties inspired by the same ideals for which their comrades fought in establishing a dynamic domination. They are the ones who gathered in the Women’s Union in 1994 to create a balance of power and force a women’s quota within the party: the quota was then of 25% which was raised with each election, until it reached 40% in 2005 and the introduction of co-presidency of a woman and a man in the party. Since 2014 the application of these two last tools was widened to all structures within the Kurdish liberation movement (thus reaching beyond the parties). When the quota is not respected, the assembly is annulled or women are not obliged to respect the decisions taken there. Seeing that women organize in non-mixed meetings in order to discuss and reach decisions that concern them, quota positions are taken up in mixed organizations by spokespersons of the women’s movements. This is how women apply their own rules men are obliged to accept. Ayşe gave us the example of men working in DBP city halls: if a man beats his companion or forbids his daughter access to school, women will put everything in place to put an end to these behaviors, going as far as excluding the man from the movement or turning over his salary to the woman.

Here are the main structures of the Free Women of Bakur of which we are aware.

• The Women’s Academies are places where women can meet in order to learn together, in an approach similar to that of popular education, based on the experiences and knowledge of each person serving the acquisition of literacy and of political training. A politician of the DBP talked to us about the financing of these academies: no one is paid, everyone is a volunteer; if there is need of money, it is collected through solidarity from neighbors, with calls to funds, and one way or another, people pay dues to the party: « it is an anti-capitalistic movement that refuses money from the government or the exchange of money against education ». Jineology is developed within these academies. There are four women’s academies in Bakûr, and several others are in development.
• Cooperatives (presently in Amed, Hakkâri, Van and Mardin) allow women to obtain a revenue and develop economic independence; it often consists of gathering together to produce and sell local arts and crafts women used to produce by themselves with no access to points of sale. We visited several in Mardin, among them where the DBP city has attempted the promotion of women’s cooperatives in its province as well as in other towns.
• JINHA, a press agency exclusively composed of women, created on March 8th 2012 in order to counter extremely mysogynous articles in the official press. To our knowledge, it is the first entirely feminine press agency in the world. (An interview with Jinha journalists is available in Merhaba Hevalno N°4.)
• Women also organize at an extremely local level. Street, village and neighborhood councils have their own non-mixed structures. They deal with topics of concern to women, put commissions into place to find solutions to the problems they bring up, these spaces acting as first refuge for women victims of violence.
• A number of women’s associations have been set up, independant of State authorities. One of their main activities is support for women victims of domestic violence. For this purpose, several shelters in the main towns greet women who have dared leave their husband, who are at risk of being rejected by their relatives and who are in need of support. In most cases, the women do not call on the tribunal, for they do not trust that they will find justice there, and prefer to call upon the women’s movement.
• The (incredibly persistent !) Mothers for Peace, active since 1999, unites mothers of martyrs who fight for peace, while having a profound respect for the struggles of their relatives and for fallen fighters. In other words, it is not because they demand peace that they oppose the taking of arms to obtain it.

In conclusion, a few words on what moved us in all our meetings…

We want to speak of certain moments that will stay with us after our trip as a delegation.

We had the opportunity of meeting many women of the movement in different towns, and to share a few days with them, despite the context of war. Before anything else, we wish to speak of their hospitality. Everywhere we went, the women opened up their homes to us, told us their stories, spoke about politics, and answered our questions. It was not only a Kurdish tradition, it was a true militant commitment. They were at our disposal even when it required cancelling meetings.

Sara Kaya, co-mayor of Nusaybin, spent a day with us. She told us that she was the mother of four children, was committed to the movement and fought so that her children would not need to do the same and could live in a better world. She told us about the repression to which she was subjected for months and of her time in jail. The date of the trial that would decide her fate was on… March 8th, two days later! Sara was well aware that she would go to jail for a long time, but instead of spending these last moments of freedom with her children, her friends, her close ones, she spent them with a group of women who had come from Europe, whom she did not know and probably would never see again. The struggle and the dream of solidarity between women went beyond boundaries stronger than personal desires and aspirations.

On two occasions we heard that buddies were encouraged by their family to join the women’s army because as young people, it was up to them to join the defense of their people. In that struggle each one had a role and the individual was often called upon to join the collective.

We wish to testify to the incredible courage of these women. During these demonstrations of festivities on March 8th, the Turkish army exerted pressure by spreading rumors of a probable terrorist bombing attack. The atmosphere was tense and fear palpable, but women of all ages, sometimes with their children, took to the streets anyway to demonstrate, aware of putting themselves in harm’s way (tanks and water canons were everywhere as were snipers on the rooftops). In Turkey, it has happened that the army has fired on the crowd and caused carnage, but our fear disappeared when confronted by the contagious courage of these women.

To conclude, their reaction impressed us in the face of pain and death. Marching through the rubble in Cizre, we met a Mother for Peace who had come to console women of the town who had lost their close ones and their belongings. This mother had lost seven children in armed combat or because of the repression. She did not cry, did not let herself be discouraged, and came to express solidarity and support with other women. This is also the story of many other women we met who lost close ones and did not give into despair. There is a kind of dignity in their suffering, a strong will to overthrow it, to dance and to sing through harsh times. To fight death with life! Humor and joy are always present with these women: yes, the war will be long and filled with losses, but they must go on fighting!

An especially big thank you to all the women who greeted us during our stay: Ayşe, Sara, Leyla, Gülser, Selma, Sultan, Elif, and all the others whose names we forgot, unfortunately – but not their faces!

1. Introduction

The ‘Rojava Revolution’ began exactly ten years ago, on July 19^th 2012, when three predominantly Kurdish-inhabited areas of Syria declared their autonomy from the central government. Since then, a democratic, autonomous administration has attempted to create a grassroots, gender-equal and ecological society in these areas. Communes and councils, the democratic representatives of the population, organize life and administer society. The political model has thus established itself in decided opposition to the old Ba’ath regime. Numerous people within society are involved in a wide variety of local and social activities – from the communes and councils to working in the health sector, the women’s movement or in self-defence structures. 

Rojava has also been synonymous with the war against the Islamic State (ISIS), the occupation of Turkey, overcrowded refugee camps, water shortages, crop failures and widespread poverty. But against the backdrop of an ongoing war, occupation, an embargo due to the Syrian Civil War, and a precarious humanitarian situation that makes basic staples scarce, Rojava has held its ground for ten years. The areas controlled by the democratic ‘Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria’ (AANES) have grown since 2012 and now include a third of Syrian territory and nearly a fifth of its population.

A decade on, the continued existence of North and East Syria (NES) – the more inclusive name of the region, which encompasses Kurdish-majority Rojava and the Arab-majority areas on the banks of the Euphrates – is an achievement in and of itself. In the eleven years since 2011, the Rojava Revolution has remained committed to its former values and consolidated its achievements, even as all other gains of the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ uprisings were squashed or coopted by national governments. This revolution, however imperfect, thus has something to teach the world about staying power.

The Rojava Revolution began ten years ago in Kobane. As a result, an ‘autonomous administration’ was established to manage society based on the values of (direct) democracy, gender liberation and ecology. For ten years, this administration (under different names; see below) has fought off a number of internal and external enemies. In addition to the military, diplomatic and economic disputes with the Syrian government of Bashar al-Assad, it is above all the wars with Turkey and ISIS that threaten the very existence of the region’s political project. Turkey has invaded NES twice since 2016, and continues to occupy large swaths of northern Syria. ISIS was only territorially defeated in 2019, after more than four gruelling years since it was first pushed back during the 2014-2015 Battle for Kobane. Since then, however, ISIS has remained active in NES, staging occasional large attacks, while waging an irregular war of attrition in the Deir ez-Zor region and beyond. It has by no means been defeated.

Despite all these adversities, NES society has continued to establish and develop (relatively) stable political structures. Legal institutions, such as peace committees, have been introduced. These consensus-based bodies are responsible for resolving conflicts and have largely replaced the hierarchical court system common in Western societies. In addition, two social contracts – akin to a local constitution – were adopted in 2014 and 2016, as the product of a collaborative social process during which collective discussions determined which topics would be included. Work on a new social contract, which will better reflect all regions under the AANES umbrella, is currently underway. These social contracts have formalized the already-decentralized decision-making processes in the region and consolidated much of the legislative power of local councils. Many of these changes in NES can be described as a radical democratization of society and life. This, in turn, is changing the way people think and conceive of legal concepts such as law and justice.

(The cantons of Rojava in January 2014)

No doubt, the Rojava Revolution has major achievements under its belt, and its importance (especially for the region, but also beyond) cannot be overstated. However, shortfalls also abound. For outside observers with sympathies for the local political project acknowledging the latter has been difficult. The philosopher Slavoj Žižek, in his convocational lecture at Kobane University in April 2021, stated: “As Kurds, you established an actually existing utopia with an intellectual community. You are a symbol not only to resist but to establish a new order.” ¹ In 2018, the late David Graeber claimed that democratic confederalism in Rojava, “should be considered one of the most important events in recent world history.” ² 

This report – particularly part II – aims to focus on the day-to-day challenges in order to provide an accurate insight into NES’ society ten years after the revolution began. In order to gauge its true achievements – and shortcomings – it will sidestep essentializing and sensationalist discourse, such as was mentioned above, focusing instead on the people in NES and the real-world changes to their lives.

At the same time, with the end of the war against ISIS, Western media and political interest in NES has declined significantly. For many casual observers, the Syrian conflict has turned stale, and other global events, such as the COVID-19 pandemic and the Ukraine War currently dominate public interest. This has led to a lack of interest (by media as well as on the political level) in the developments in NES. This report also seeks to breathe new life into the discussions around ‘Rojava’.

This report is divided into two parts. The first discusses the history of the Rojava Revolution, as well as the difficulties and threats that NES has faced since then. In addition, this part will cover the institutions that form the basis of this new Syrian reality. The second part will provide a more detailed look at the present social relations in NES. Focusing on a handful of social fields, this report will measure the developments of the revolution – ten years on. In particular, this report will focus on the subjects of the legal system, healthcare and the political economy. Finally, the second part of this report seeks to look into the future. What opportunities and risks do the people who live in NES see? Which developments do they wish for, which do they consider likely – against the background of permanent threats of war – and how do they prepare for them?

2. History of the Rojava Revolution

On March 15^th 2011, peaceful protests against the authoritarian regime of President Bashar al-Assad, and the government’s brutal reaction, were the catalyst for Syria’s Civil War. In the course of the war, the country disintegrated into areas controlled either by Assad’s government, different opposition groups – mainly the Free Syrian Army (FSA) – or jihadists. During the turmoil of the civil war, on the night of July 18^th 2012, armed Syrian Kurds took control of the roads leading into and out of the city of Kobane, in northern Syria. “The Kurdish forces rejected a request by the Free Syrian Army and told them that they [the Kurds] can control their own areas,” Hussein Kochar, a PYD official said at that time.³ Concurrently, civilians in the city besieged and captured all state institutions in the city. Finally, a crowd gathered in front of the city’s Syrian Arab Army (SAA) military base. A popular delegation to the armed force demanded that they hand over their weapons but guaranteed safe passage. Faced with a hopeless situation, the soldiers agreed. Later, some of the soldiers returned to their families across the country, while another group stayed on to prevent the city from falling into the hands of the FSA. Unbeknownst to most attendees, they had been witnesses to the birth of the Rojava Revolution.

From Kobane, the uprising spread to other Kurdish-majority cities across northern Syria in a matter of days. One day after the Ba’ath government and the SAA were forced out of Kobane, the people also took control over the government institutions in Afrin and Amude, as well as in Derik and the whole Cizîrê (Jazeera) Region on July 21^st. The SAA and Syrian government institutions withdrew from these areas (with the exception of Qamishlo and Heseke) without firing so much as a shot. Faced with an insurgency that sought to topple his government, Assad handed the majority of Syria’s north to the Democratic Union Party (Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat; PYD), a Syrian-Kurdish party with an ideology of local autonomy, rather than full-fledged independence. 

In these regions, military posts were encircled, and the few remaining SAA troops were forced to surrender. Police buildings were quickly cleansed of the emblems of the old state, and important files were confiscated. Civil Defense committees were established and tasked with ensuring the security of the Kurdish-majority regions. Soon, they established the People’s Defense Units (Yekîneyên Parastina Gel; YPG), on July 20^th. On the same day, members of the PYD raised the flag of Kurdistan (‘Alaya Rengîn’) alongside the flag of the PKK on all government buildings in the newly liberated cities.  

The only caveats were the major cities of Qamishlo and Heseke, in the Jazeera region (then the Heseke Governorate). Qamishlo, in particular, proved to be a point of contention. The city is split between a Kurdish majority and large Arab, Assyrian Christian, and Armenian populations. Furthermore, it hosted a major SAA base. For this reason, only neighborhoods in which predominantly or exclusively Kurds lived were taken over by the PYD. The city’s downtown, the border crossing to Turkey, a major base to the north, and the city’s airport remained firmly in the government’s hands. A similar agreement was reached in the city of Heseke, which is split between Kurds and Arabs, and which also hosts a major SAA base on its outskirts.⁴ 

Previous History and Forerunners

How did these events come about? Pervin Yusif, currently the Co-Chair of Qamishlo, spoke to RIC about her experience. Before her current position, she was active in the women’s organization Kongreya Star. She remembers the time before the revolution:

“Back then it was very difficult for us as Kurdish people. Before the revolution we lived like slaves. We were oppressed by the regime. We could not build our own houses and we could not send our children to schools to learn their own language. So, we organized ourselves in a struggle for freedom, for our identity and to be able to speak our own language. We wanted to live according to our own language and our own culture on our own land. The revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt were big inspirations for us. More and more, we saw that our people were the most in need of a change and a revolution. In doing so, it would be possible for everybody to gain basic rights and to become active members in society.” ⁵ 

However, Pervin Yusif also highlights that clandestine self-organization and political structures existed among the Kurdish population in Syria before the revolution. Despite state repression, Kurdish liberation movements had had a strong impact on society. The 2012 revolution was thus able to build on existing structures. In 2003, the PYD was founded as the Syrian offshoot of the PKK, which had operated from Syria and Lebanon until 1998. One year later, in 2004, a city-wide uprising was sparked at a soccer match in Qamishlo. During the game, violent riots broke out between Kurds and visiting Arab spectators, with Syrian government forces coming to the aid of the latter. “The sobering lesson realized by the Syrian Kurds in the aftermath of the violent crackdown on the Qamishlo uprising was that they needed to form their own armed defence units. However, the Kurds as hitherto a comparatively weak minority in the country, would not be able to induce significant changes in the absence of major transformations first taking place in the broader conditions of the Syrian security state.”⁶ Relatively unexpectedly, Syria was struck by such cross-societal anti-government protests in 2011. During the course of this uprising, the Kurdish youth were quick to organize, forming local committees to coordinate efforts with anti-government activists elsewhere in Syria. For example, the Union of Kurdish Youth Coordination Committees took the lead in the protest movement across Kurdish cities, reaching out to youth groups in the cities of Damascus and Homs in order to unify their political demands. ⁷ Nevertheless, Kurds in Afrin, Kobane, and Jazeera quickly shifted to stressing regional concerns in their protests.

Syrian state control over the region vanished in July 2012. It remains debatable to this day whether the retreat of the Syrian Army was a planned handover between the PYD and the government of Assad or an inevitable withdrawal. The weakness of the central government at that time was, however, undeniable. The abandonment of the region’s rich oil fields, to be harnessed by the new administration and the extracted oil sold back to the central government, suggests this was an involuntary retreat.

As a result of this revolution, a democratic autonomy project was proclaimed. In January 2014, the three Kurdish-majority cantons of Cizîrê, Kobane and Afrin declared their autonomy from the Syrian government. After the collapse of state control, a coalition of Kurdish parties, non-Kurdish groups and organizations, created a transitional alternative administration for the region, based on local councils, which were set up in most cities of northern Syria. Its tasks were the distribution of food and fuel, as well as organizing education, self-defence and justice. The existing infrastructure (water, waste collection etc.) also had to be maintained. Within a few months, there was a functioning council system set in place based on this idea of an autonomous administration. ⁸ Popular organizations prevented acts of revenge and destruction, protecting the still intact infrastructure. Former state buildings that people were not allowed to enter were transformed into so-called ‘People’s Houses’, cultural centers and educational institutions. A precondition to the implementation of these ideas of democratic autonomy was rallying the local population, Pervin Yusif told RIC.

“The first thing that was important to us, was to reach unity among the people. This was the most important thing. The regime tried to divide the different people from each other: Syrians, Arabs, Kurds. Kurds against themselves, Kurds against Arabs. The regime created a situation where the different people were in a war-situation with each other – even within the groups. So before building up councils and communes, as a basis, we needed for different people to come together, trust and believe each other – and love each other. […] To begin our work, this unity of the people was necessary. We built up all the other institutions where people could come together and have a shared common space, and ensure all other works, on that basis.”⁹ 

Military Defense, Consolidation and Expansion

The administration succeeded comparatively quickly in building its own institutions, maintaining public life and creating trust among the population. The PYD-led administration also paid the salaries of all YPG fighters and thus provided a valuable source of income for a large part of the population during a time of economic hardship. In addition, the administration had its own civil servants that provided rudimentary government-like services.

The PYD, which adopted many of the PKK’s strategies, introduced several measures in order to protect women from abuse, protect their rights, and ensure greater gender inclusion and equality. For example, a gender balance was introduced to all structures of the administration in the area: The practice that at least 40% of all members of all institutions should be women, and the practice of co-leadership positions shared between a man and a woman in all administrative bodies, including the PYD-leadership. This also led to the establishment of the women-only Women’s Protection Units (Yekîneyên Parastina Jin; YPJ) militia on April 4^th 2013. 

The YPG/YPJ’s ability to provide real security for the civilian population led to significant popular support. In fierce battles between 2012 and 2014, the militia succeeded in bringing several border towns under its control and proved to be the most effective force at controlling territory and defending Kurdish areas from the growing threat of armed extremist militias. In March 2013, the YPG/YPJ took control of the oil fields in northeastern Syria, near Rimelan, providing it with an important source of revenue.¹⁰ During the Battle of Sere Kaniye in 2013-2014, the YPG gained even more popularity among the population as a determined and capable defender of the (Kurdish) people.

(YPG fighters during the Operation Wrath of Euphrates, near Raqqa)

During this period, as the three autonomous regions established themselves and developed their institutions, a growing ISIS posed the greatest threat to Rojava’s democratic project. After numerous ISIS military victories, the 2014/2015 battle for Kobane represented a turning point in the war. Simultaneously, the Kurdish militia which defended the city became a global symbol of resistance (the YPJ’s women fighters, in particular, played a prominent role during this battle). ISIS launched an offensive against Kobane on September 15^th 2014, and quickly overran nearly the entire city. With the help of US air support, the YPG/YPJ and its allies fought back for over five gruelling months, eventually driving ISIS out of a Kobane reduced to rubble. The battle was the first decisive defeat of ISIS and led to its withdrawal from the region. It halted their earlier seemingly-unstoppable momentum on the battlefield. Following their success in Kobane, the YPG/YPJ managed to capture the ISIS-held town of Tal Abyad in June 2015, thereby linking the two cantons of Cizîrê and Kobane for the first time. ¹¹

The Kobane campaign elevated the importance of the YPG/YPJ. To solidify the anti-ISIS coalition and attract a broader alliance, in October 2015, at the behest of its US ally, the YPG/YPJ and its allies established the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a multi-ethnic coalition of militias. This alliance became the main ground force in the fight against ISIS.

Later the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC) was founded and elected on December 10th 2015. Both SDF and SDC are committed to the goal of a secular, democratic, and federally-structured Syria. The SDC is a political assembly representing political parties, organizations and different groups (tribes, Yezidis etc.) in North and East Syria. The SDC creates a political framework for the governance of Syria along a decentralized, federal model. It is also the political counterpart to the Autonomous Administration, which takes on more administrative and executive functions. Negotiations with the Syrian government, as well as diplomatic relations with international powers, are generally conducted through the SDC. ¹² 

Subsequent SDF-military operations successfully liberated all ISIS-held areas in eastern Syria, including cities such as Manbij in August 2016 and Raqqa in October 2017 – followed by the battle for the outskirts of Deir ez-Zor as part of SDF’s ‘Al Jazeera Storm’ campaign.

Another important milestone was the high-profile humanitarian rescue of tens of thousands of Yezidis trapped on Mount Sinjar in 2015 as they attempted to flee ISIS’ advance. Since 2014, ISIS fighters were notorious for raping and enslaving thousands of Yezidi women and girls during their rapid advance through northern Iraq.

The final battle with ISIS ended on March 23^rd 2019, when the SDF defeated the caliphate at Baghouz, marking ISIS’ territorial defeat.

All of these actions strengthened the position of the PYD-led and SDF-defended Autonomous Administration as the hegemonic political-military power in northeastern Syria. As their forces advanced into predominantly non-Kurdish areas, YPG/YPJ commanders had anticipated the need to allay local fears that they were subjugating Arabs. The military forces and the autonomous administration, therefore, needed to broaden their appeal to the non-Kurdish population in the heavily mixed areas. To this end, the SDF began forging alliances with insurgent Sunni Arab tribes and non-Muslim groups. As early as October 2013, it formed an alliance with al-Sanadid, an Arab militia affiliated with the Shammar tribe to take control of the strategically important Yarubiyah border crossing and the town of the same name. As a result of such efforts, in 2017, the SDF included some 30,000 Arab fighters, who made up about 60 percent of the SDF. ¹³ Prior to the military operations in Manbij and in Raqqa, civil councils were established in these cities, in which non-Kurdish groups participated, to establish stronger connections with civil society.

The original areas of the three non-contiguous cantons that first declared independence have a Kurdish majority population, but the extended area that these regions now encompass, as well as the regions that most recently became part of NES (Manbij, Tabqa, Raqqa and Deir ez-Zor) are largely Arab. The SDF’s territorial gains progressively helped the AANES to expand and consolidate its political-military power as a federal system throughout this multi-ethnical and multi-cultural region. The AANES was guided by an ideology propagated by Abdullah Öcalan and his supporters – namely, that of the ‘democratic nation’ – defined by the construction of local community structures, the forging of multi-ethnic cooperation, the promotion and inclusion of women in organizational structures at all levels, the rejection of centralized and hierarchical societal structures, and ideological flexibility for such cross-ethnic cooperation. As of 2018, the SDF controlled about 25 percent of Syria, including territory along the border with Turkey east of the Euphrates River, as well as Syria’s richest oil and gas fields. ¹⁴

Turkey: Threats from the North

Despite these significant victories over ISIS, the SDF was unable to defeat another enemy actor that posed a serious threat to the consolidation of the Autonomous Administration: Turkey. Turkey arguably poses a greater threat to self-rule than ISIS due to its considerable political influence as a political-military partner of the US and the EU. Turkey, which has NATO’s second-largest army, has stated unequivocally that it will not tolerate the emergence of an autonomous Kurdish region in northeastern Syria (similar to the Kurdistan region in Iraq). The abrupt termination of the peace process between the PKK and Ankara in July 2015 also did little to calm the situation between the Kurdish forces in northeastern Syria and Turkey.

Turkey first invaded Syria during its ‘Euphrates Shield’ operation in 2016. Officially, Ankara described the operation as directed against terrorist forces on its borders, though Turkey had been coexisting with ISIS on its border for years. In reality, the occupation served to physically prevent the territorial connection of the Kobane and Afrin cantons. Kurdish fears were confirmed on January 19^th 2018, when Turkey launched the operation ‘Olive Branch’, as the bulk of the SDF was busy fighting ISIS in Deir ez-Zor. Turkish troops and their Syrian allies invaded the Kurdish canton of Afrin in Rojava only after Russian troops withdrew from the region following an agreement with Turkey, revealing the Kurds’ political vulnerability as an unrecognized non-state actor. On March 24^th 2018, Turkey gained full control over Afrin, largely due to their air superiority. Turkey then announced its intention to capture Manbij and Tel Rifaat next – a threat Turkey is currently repeating. The invasion was justified by the need to ward off an alleged “terrorist threat.” Yet Afrin had until this point largely escaped the violence of Syria’s war; its inhabitants posed no threat to Turkey. Several hundred Kurdish civilians were killed in the operation. Turkey subsequently occupied Afrin with little to no international objections.

On October 9^th 2019, Turkey re-launched its invasion of NES under the name of ‘Peace Spring’ with the help of the Syrian National Army (SNA) and other Islamist groups. The invasion followed the US decision to withdraw its troops from Kurdish areas. Turkey justified this invasion in a series of letters to the United Nations, asserting its right to self-defence against a “direct and imminent threat” under Article 51 of the UN Charter and claiming that it “will conduct this operation in support of efforts to ensure the safe and voluntary return of displaced Syrians to their homes.” However, it has become clear that this was merely a pretext for implementing ongoing ethnic cleansing operations in northern Syria targeting the Kurds living there. Thousands of civilians have been forced to flee either to Iraqi Kurdistan or Turkey. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, more than 260,000 Syrians – the vast majority of them Kurds – live in the Iraqi Kurdistan region (as of June 2022). ¹⁵  By the end of October 2019, Turkish forces and the SNA had gained control of an area of 3,800 km², stretching from the town of Tal Abyad to Sere Kaniye, and 25-30 kilometers deep.

(A House bombed by Turkey near Derik, February 22nd 2022)

Turkey’s occupation of Rojava, which is a violation of international law, has been well-documented. As RIC’s own ‘State of the Occupation’ reports documented since the last Turkish military operation ended at the end of 2019, the situation in Afrin and the ‘M4 Strip’ has been marked by hundreds of cases of human rights violations. ¹⁶ These include war crimes such as looting and hostage-taking, appropriation of property and use of civilian homes for military purposes, interrogation of Kurds about their faith and ethnicity by Turkish officials, denial of food or water to Kurdish prisoners, and the forced displacement of civilians of primarily Kurdish origin from the areas of Afrin, Sere Kaniye, and Tal Abyad that are under effective Turkish control. Likewise, kidnappings, murders, and resettlements are part of everyday life for the people, as is the destruction of olive trees, which in many cases are the livelihood of many people, especially in Afrin.

Kurdish women and girls, who are subjected to forced marriage, kidnapping, rape and sexual violence, are particularly affected. Turkish-backed forces have also engaged in the looting and destruction of religious and archaeological sites of great significance. Turkey and its allies have also weaponized water against the Kurdish regions of northern Syria by cutting and restricting water supplies. All this means that the people in Afrin, Sere Kaniye, Tel Halaf, Tal Abyad and elsewhere cannot exercise their right to self-determination under Turkish occupation. Rather, the withdrawal of the Turkish occupation forces from Rojava is a necessary condition for the realization of local self-determination.

Establishment of Democratic Structures and their Consolidation

Central to the Rojava Revolution is the idea of a ‘democratic nation’ and ‘democratic confederalism’ developed by Abdullah Öcalan, the imprisoned leader of the PKK. Critically examining the PKK’s nationalist and Marxist-Leninist past and creatively appropriating, in particular, the writings of American social theorist Murray Bookchin, Öcalan defines ‘democratic confederalism’ as “democracy without a state.” ¹⁷ It is the federation of different ethnic, cultural, religious, intellectual, and economic communities that “can autonomously configure and express themselves as a political unit.” ¹⁷ Öcalan describes his concept as being “open towards other political groups and factions. It is flexible, multicultural, anti-monopolistic, and consensus-oriented. Ecology and feminism are central pillars. In the frame of this kind of self-administration an alternative economy will become necessary.” ¹⁷ This is also emphasized by Berivan Khaled. She is currently Co-Chair of the Executive Council of the AANES, which coordinates the work of the various commissions on health, nature, the economy, and a host of other institutions. Asked about the political-theoretical foundations of her work in NES, she refers directly to Öcalan’s concept:

“The administration is based on the principle of the democratic nation, which means that the rights of all must be protected: including Kurds, Arabs, Syrians, Turkmen and Circassians,” ¹⁸

that is, self-determination and a say for all communities – without state paternalism.

Khaled adds: “how rich the society in North and East Syria is in terms of different groups and beliefs! […] All groups form a mosaic piece in our society.”

‘Democratic confederalism’ is therefore both a political line and a radical but also pragmatic alternative to nationalist solutions. It is a dynamic process of dissolving the state through the self-organization of diverse ethnocultural communities that self-organize in popular councils and communes, systematically replacing the hierarchical and patriarchal authority relations of existing states with horizontal, gender-egalitarian relations of participatory self-government. ‘Democratic confederalism’ is an effort to build a democratic society beyond the state.

TEV-DEM

In 2011, in order to establish this democratic self-administration – together with the constitution of the first communes and councils throughout Rojava – the PYD established an organization that aimed to advance and cement the new ideas of autonomy and democracy in society: the Movement for a Democratic Society (Tevgera Civaka Demokratîk; TEV-DEM). With the help of TEV-DEM, councils for local decision-making and self-administration were established at the various levels of society. On this basis, relatively well-functioning council structures were established within a few months, as war raged in Syria. However, the precise role of TEV-DEM in providing cohesion and direction in the administrative structure of Rojava remained unclear at that time.

Concurrently, communes and councils did not exist in all cities or districts. In particular, there was initially no council structure in districts inhabited mainly by Arabs, Christians and other non-Kurdish groups, as well as in some Kurdish districts that leaned towards the Kurdish nationalist bloc, the Kurdish National Council. The situation was similar in rural areas. 

The council structures emerged in 2011 as a parallel structure to the state, which initially tolerated their existence in order to appease the Kurdish population. However, it is important to emphasize that TEV-DEM did not have to start from scratch. It was based on self-governance structures, including councils, which had been established in Turkey’s Kurdistan region in 2007 within the framework of the Democratic Society Congress – and have an even longer history within society. These councils served as a model and basis for the commune and council movement in northern Syria.

Communes and Councils

In practice, this means the implementation of a decentralized, grassroots approach in the form of a council democracy that puts communes, the smallest unit in the system, at the center and allows them to act autonomously. By allowing them to speak out and directly influence decision-making, politics becomes an integral part of social life. As a project, ‘democratic confederalism’ functions through these units: the communes, the neighborhood, the (sub-)districts, and the regions. The aspect of decentralization is decisive and is also supported by concrete figures. 70% of the total budget in NES goes to the regions, whereas only 30% goes directly to the higher structures of AANES. ¹⁹ 

Democratic control rests with the basic institution of the decentralized and radical democratic system: the commune. It can comprise between a few dozen to over a hundred households, depending on the degree of organization and size – whether in the neighborhoods or villages. These communes manage themselves responsibly and develop solutions for everyday problems, all without the help of state agencies.

“Our system is not a centralized system, it is rather based on the principle of decentralization”, ²⁰ 

is how Berivan Khaled sums up the importance of the communes. These are supposed to spread “from below” and can also emerge within the framework of factories and civil society organizations. This makes them a means of democratizing all social life. They have the right to independent activities, as Berivan Khaled adds: The commune “does not have to turn to higher institutions to make its decisions.” ²⁰ The only condition is that the communes’ decisions must not contradict the essence of the social contract (See below).

The commune meets monthly or fortnightly and all residents are entitled to participate. Each commune has an executive committee, composed of the two co-chairs and additional members from the committees working under the commune – initially the committees on economy, education, health, organizing society, self-defence and a women’s committee. ²¹ Later, this was expanded to include the youth and sports committee, the committee of the families of the martyrs, and the arts and culture committee. At the commune level, not all committees are present in all communes, but the education and self-defence committees are common across all villages and city neighborhoods. Another specific committee is the problem-solving committee or the committee for reconciliation – the purpose of which is to solve the societal problems in the commune. A committee for reconciliation is located in each commune and has the function of assisting in solving problems and disputes between the people. The members of the committee of reconciliation are elected from the members of the commune.

(Meeting of a commune in the city of Qamishlo)

Through the communes and councils, the population could be masters of their own affairs. Although these structures aid in the emancipation of the population, they could not solve all social issues. In particular, there are still difficulties with water and energy supplies. Many problems in NES cannot be solved independently of the state. In addition, there are economic problems among the population caused by the war and the, at times, triple embargos by the Syrian state, Turkey, and the Iraqi Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). These difficulties have not disappeared even after ten years and will likely continue plaguing the region for the foreseeable future. Likewise, there is no uniform implementation of the community structures or day-to-day participation of the population. Experiences vary widely, from impeccably-functioning communes, with regular meetings and a working council structure, to less active communes with unclear responsibilities, opening hours and missing structures. Political structures can only achieve as much as the people populating them are willing to do (or, rather, are able to do in the face of war, embargos and widespread poverty).

If an issue exceeds the capacity of the commune, it goes to the neighborhood, (sub-)district and then to the region. The neighborhood councils comprise recallable delegates that are sent from various communes. On average, a neighborhood council will comprise seven to thirty communes, depending on the size of the population in that area. The next level is the district, which usually contains a city as well as the surrounding villages. Unlike the commune, which is built on direct participation, these levels are representative institutions. Representative delegates function as mouthpieces for the decisions made at the commune level.

The Role of Women

Women in particular have achieved a great deal through the commune and council system in NES. They played and still play an important role in the organization of the commune and have a very important function in the reconciliation committees, in particular. Their status and the social roles they play have transformed through the active participation of women in public life. In addition, violence against women is – for the most part – no longer tolerated, and the communes and committees actively support women and men in cases of (domestic or family) violence to solve these problems. In particular, reconciliation committees provide support in such cases. In addition, there are new legal foundations. For example, women can now only file inheritance lawsuits and claim their inheritance rights, which were previously denied to them (especially under conservative community, tribal and religious systems) in favor of the man.

Parallel to the commune and council system, women have their own organizations and institutions. They include assemblies, academies, cooperatives, foundations, associations, parties, etc. The result is a complex network of councils that originally developed as a working practice and changed over time according to perceived local needs (resulting in a fluid situation with regularly-changing names, roles and emerging institutions). One expression of the special importance of the women’s issue was the foundation of Yekîtîya Star, an autonomous women’s organization, in 2005, which is now known as Kongreya Star and serves as an umbrella organization for all women’s empowerment institutions throughout NES. In addition to Kongreya Star, Women’s Houses throughout NES were opened. In theory, every village should have at least one Women’s House. These facilities play an active role in defending, empowering, and liberating women in an attempt to break free from the patriarchal foundations of the state and conservative society.

(International Women’s Day in Qamishlo, March 8^th 2022)

The Autonomous Administration 

While the commune and council structure – even if it is handled very differently at the local level – shows relative stability, there are clear (organizational) differences and developments at the level of self-government in NES. These were primarily due to the territorial changes that have characterized NES since the beginning of its existence. Though the Rojava Revolution started as a Kurdish revolt against central state erasure, it has grown beyond this horizon, transforming its organizational structure as well as its names, which is why a holistic description of the system remains out of reach. RIC offered a longer-form description of NES’ political model as it was in late 2019. ²² A briefer description should suffice here.

The first political structures adopted post-revolution were – as shown above – the autonomous administration of the Kurdish-dominated areas in the district of Cizîrê, Kobane and Afrin, which formed an ‘Interim Transitional Administration’, adopted in 2013. The three cantons also called themselves ‘Autonomous Regions’ or ‘Democratic Autonomous Administration.’

In an attempt to federalize the Administration and expand the model of democratic autonomy to areas newly-liberated and incorporated into the NES, the SDC was founded in December 2015. On March 17^th 2016, an SDC assembly of Kurdish, Assyrian, Arab and Turkmen delegates proclaimed the establishment of a federal system of government as the ‘Democratic Federation of Rojava – Northern Syria’. In December 2016, as Manbij was liberated and the battle for Raqqa stood before, the name was changed once again to the ‘Democratic Federation of Northern Syria’ – ‘Rojava’ was officially dropped. Here, again, the SDC was the highest legislative assembly and ensured the right of the people to establish democratic autonomous administrations and aimed at unifying all groups under the democratic federalism of North and East Syria. As of September 6th 2018, the SDC adopted the current official name for the region, renaming it the ‘Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria’ (AANES), sometimes translated as the ‘Self-Government of North and East Syria’. This encompasses the Euphrates (the former Kobane canton, including Tel Abyad, Sarrin, and Ayn Issa), and Cizîrê (Jazira) Regions, as well as the local civil councils of Raqqa, Manbij, Tabqa, and Deir ez-Zor Regions. The Afrin canton, on the other hand, remained under occupation by Turkish forces, though AANES institutions also exist in Shehba, southeast of Afrin, and in the majority-Kurdish neighborhoods of Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiye in Aleppo.

These changes are indicative of the increasingly multi-ethnic composition of the population and a move away from Kurdish designations, such as Rojava – an effect due in large part to the territorial changes that have taken place in recent years as a result of the ongoing war against ISIS. The fight against the jihadist terrorist group has claimed many victims and devoured much of the already-scarce financial resources in the region. In addition, the Turkish and Syrian states have repeatedly attacked the region in recent years. 

The AANES was created to unify the various councils and cantonal administrations. The most recently-liberated regions, which include many majority Arab areas, have also been integrated into the federal council system. As a result of these developments, the structures of the AANES are highly dynamic, which has led to constant changes in council structures, especially at the higher levels. Yet these only act as coordinators to implement the will of the communes, which remain a constant element of the bottom-up direct-democratic approach, giving everyone of all cultural identities the right to political participation in discussions, decision-making and the implementation of projects. The importance of TEV-DEM grew as it redefined its role as organizing civil society at a conference organized on August 27^th 2018, and became something akin to an umbrella organization for civil society, which supports, coordinates, and ensures that the voice of civil society is incorporated into the political and administrative aspects of the system. TEV-DEM today can be described as the “civilian institution of the government.” ²³ According to Hawar News, a local news organization, today, TEV-DEM “takes the struggle for a free and dignified life for all social groups, achieving social and economic development and raising productive efficiency, in addition to its support for the democratic, moral and political approach and the protection of rights and freedoms.” ²⁴

The AANES currently covers more than 50,000 km² and is home to around four million inhabitants. 

The Social Contract

The organizational and territorial changes are reflected not only in the various names of the Autonomous Administration, but also in its basic legal documents. As the political bodies, these, too, have been subject to dynamic changes in the past decade.

A first version of the ‘constitution’ of the Autonomous Administration, the so-called ‘social contract’, was accepted by the cantons and enacted in 2014; on three separate days, each canton issued its own declaration of democratic autonomy. In doing so, the cantons, consisting of their different district councils, also established their own transitional administrations. The social contract of 2014 replaces the centralization imposed by the former ruling Ba’ath party and allocates state tasks to the sovereignty of the cantons and the Autonomous Administration. However, it did not deny the legitimacy of the Syrian state. ²⁵ The 2014 ‘Charter of the Social Contract of Rojava’ was reformed in 2016. Currently, in mid-2022, the contract is again being discussed and revised. The social contract stipulates a political system based on participatory democracy, gender equality and ecology. It also aims to ensure the peaceful coexistence of different religions and ethnic groups. RIC is following the development of the draft and will release a more thorough explanation in time with its ratification.

It is noteworthy that in NES there is talk of a ‘social contract’ rather than a ‘constitution’. It reflects the political vision of coexistence without the existence of a higher authority. In the preambles to the social contract, the nation-state is presented as the cause of the conflicts in NES. In this respect, the Autonomous Administration does not aim to proclaim a state.

“A basic principle of our contract is to be flexible and adaptable”,

says Amina Omar, co-chair of the SDC. For Omar, the fact that the social contract is now being amended has much to do with the fact that

“not all areas in northern and eastern Syria were liberated at the same time. In 2014, the three cantons of Rojava – Cizîrê, Kobane and Afrin – united on a federal basis. The institutions there are still based on the 2014 agreement.” ²⁶ 

Other regions were liberated gradually and have different institutions, so a new social contract is needed. An updated version of the contract should be available by the end of the year. The AANES announced plans for its completion at the end of 2021, but according to officials, the COVID-19 pandemic, several amendments, and prolonged deliberations have delayed the process. At least one session of the drafting committee was also cancelled due to ISIS’ attack on Sina’a prison in January 2022.

According to Omar, initially, a preparatory committee of 158 people was elected – representatives of local government, civil society, political parties and various population groups. Of these, 15 men and 15 women were selected to submit a draft within two months. The draft of the new social contract now contains 99 articles that define fundamental rights and freedoms, principles and social regulations, such as coexistence between population groups, protection of the environment, and women’s rights. The right to self-determination and the prohibition of the death penalty and torture are also firmly enshrined in law. However, as it is presented at people’s assemblies across NES, the new social contract could still be amended before it is finally ratified by the Executive Council. 

Berivan Khaled, too, was involved in the drafting process. She tells RIC that it is particularly important to include the will of the people in this process. Decisions are made through the cooperation of citizens and the Administration, and opinions are sought in a democratic manner. Amina Omar sums up that, so far, a large part of the population has accepted and agreed to the social contract:

“This social contract is to the benefit for the people because it guarantees the rights and duties of each individual. Of course, we can’t say that such an agreement is 100 percent perfect, but in principle it is widely accepted.” ²⁷ 

A “lack of democratic thinking” is still noticeable, she said, and the authoritarian nature of Assad’s rule lingers in political discourse. Omar urges patience, but is cautiously optimistic: “In the last ten years, democratic thought has spread a lot, but it’s a long struggle.” A decade may not be enough to undo nearly a century of Syrian authoritarianism.

The social contract is the expression of the AANES’ vision of decentralized power through democratic administration. However, this process does not seek to replace one power with another. Rather, it seeks to democratize political consciousness, people’s attitudes and, consequently, all of society – but this takes time. Finally, Pervin Yusif draws attention to the importance of the change of consciousness within society: 

“What is important for me to say is that our revolution was not just a change of the system. We did not change one system and put another into power, but we really tried to, and managed to a certain degree, was to change the society. Our revolution is a social revolution with a new existence and the possibility to have new ethics and a new ethical way of thinking. Everybody could live together according to their own culture and reality”. ⁹ 

After this historical overview and a brief introduction to the basic political structures that shape life in NES, the second part of this report will look at the present state of society in NES through the lens of healthcare, the legal system, and the political economy. Together with this part, the whole report ‘Rojava Revolution – a Decade on’, will be available soon.

1. Slavoj Žižek (2021): Slavoj Žižek Teaches at Kobane University. bianet.org/english/world/242693-slavoj-zizek-teaches-at-kobane-university.[]
2. David Graeber (2018): Majority Report with David Graeber on Democratic Confederalism in Northern Syria. www.youtube.com/watch?v=5iWCXQR92v8.[]
3. https://rb.gy/skgzd2 (www.gulanmedia.com)[]
4. Michael Knapp, Anja Flach, Ercan Ayboğa (2014): Revolution in Rojava. Democratic Autonomy and Women’s Liberation in Syrian Kurdistan. London: Pluto; Michael Knapp, Joost Jongerden (2016): Communal Democracy: The Social Contract and Confederalism in Rojava. Comparative Islamic Studies 10(1), pp. 87–109.[]
5. Interview with Pervin Yusif (June 27th 2022).[]
6. Wladimir Wilgenburg, Mario Fumerton (2022): From the PYD-YPG to the SDF: the Consolidation of Power in Kurdish-controlled Northeast Syria. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, pp. 1-20, p. 4.[]
7. Omar Hossino; Ilhan Tanir (2012): The Decisive Minority: The Role of Syria’s Kurds in the Anti-Assad Revolution. https://rb.gy/oalets (henryjacksonsociety.org).[]
8. Harriet Allsopp, Wladimir Wilgenburg (2019): The Kurds of Northern Syria: Governance, Diversity and Conflicts, London: I.B. Tauris, pp. 90f.[]
9. Interview with Pervin Yusif.[][]
10. Wladimir Wilgenburg (2013): Syrian Kurdish Militia Takes over Oil Fields. https://rb.gy/jfhg02 (www.al-monitor.com).[]
11. Cale Salih (2015): Is Tal Abyad a Turning Point for Syria’s Kurds? https://rb.gy/kiljyy (www.bbc.com) []
12. Rojava Information Center (2020): The Syrian Democratic Council – A proposal for a democratic Syria. https://rb.gy/fwv9fv (www.rojavainformationcenter.com).[]
13. Hassan Hassan (2017): The Battle for Raqqa and the Challenges after Liberation. CTC Sentinel 10 (6). https://rb.gy/ujn5y5 (https://ctc.westpoint.edu) []
14. Rojava Information Center (2019): Beyond the Frontlines. The Building of the Democratic System in North and East Syria, p. 45. https://rb.gy/dws0cy (www.rojavainformationcenter.com).[]
15. See: UNHCR chart for the latest figures at https://data2.unhcr.org/en/situations/syria/location/5.[]
16. See: Our quarterly reports ‘State of the Occupation’: https://rb.gy/kow9hn (www.rojavainformationcenter.com) []
17. Abdullah Öcalan (2011): Democratic Confederalism. Köln: International Initiative, p. 21.[][][]
18. Interview with Berivan Khaled (April 23th 2022).[]
19. https://rb.gy/nukj5b (www.7al.net).[]
20. Interview with Berivan Khaled.[][]
21. Rojava Information Center 2019, p. 23.[]
22. Ibid, p. 21.[]
23. Eliza Egret, Tom Anderson (2016): Struggles for Autonomy in Kurdistan & Corporate Complicity in the Repression of Social Movements in Rojava and Bakur. London: Freedom Press, p. 62.[]
24. https://rb.gy/6riqqj (www.hawarnews.com).[]
25. Nazan Üstündağ (2016): Self-Defense as a Revolutionary Practice in Rojava, or How to Unmake the State. South Atlantic Quarterly 115(1), 197-210, p. 203.[]
26. Interview with Amina Omar (April 22th 2022).[]
27. Interview with Amina Omar.[]

Women’s liberation is one of the central paradigms of the Rojava revolution. Confronted with war and embargo, women are building their own economic structures. One of the projects of the women’s economy is the Lavîn textile cooperative in Hesekê.

The Lavîn textile cooperative was founded in 2015 and has stores in Hesekê, Dirbêsiyê, Qamişlo and Girkê Legê. Arab and Kurdish women work in the cooperative.

Nesrin Heci Mihemed is a founding member of the cooperative, on the history of which she says: “In the early days of Lavîn, there were certain difficulties. We had problems finding employees and material, but since 2015 the work has been going on with great enthusiasm. It took some time to train the female employees. Thus, the basis for a new form of work was created. The preparations for this were important. Lavîn continues to develop every day. The employees have now mastered their profession and love it.”

Mihemed notes that the cooperative’s goals are to provide a field of work for women and to ensure that women can develop and support themselves. She continues, “We accept all women who want work. It doesn’t matter if they are Arab or Kurdish. The important thing is that they want to work. Women are not put in front of a machine right away. They start with cleaning work, ironing and then sewing. Then it is also a question of inclination. The faster someone learns, the faster the training can be completed.”

Prices are determined by taking into account the conditions of the population

The design of the products is also developed by women. Traditional Kurdish garments, pants, shirts, T-shirts, and all sorts of other types of clothing are made. Regarding the price of the products, Mihemed says, “The products are affordable according to the market prices. Prices are determined by considering the conditions of the people. Although fabrics are expensive, products are offered for sale at low prices. Most of the time, we don’t make profits, but we are guided by the needs of the people. The population needs this. In addition, we want to make progress in all respects to prevent dependence on foreign countries.”

Mihemed emphasizes that building a women’s economy is also important from the point of view that opening up a field of employment for women also increases their self-confidence.

Cihan Sax, who has been working at Lavîn for two years, explains: “This is the first time I have worked for pay. I mainly take care of the cleaning. I have learned that over time. I take care of my family and have a job. I love my work.”

Sidra Mami has been working at Lavîn for two months. She says, “I work well with my colleagues. I check the size of the dresses and determine where to put beads. I had nothing to do with tailoring before, but I learned the work from my colleagues within a month. We are all friends and work together. That makes us happy.”

“I don’t depend on anyone”

Zahide Bedran has been working at Lavîn for two years. She explains, “I can now support myself. I take care of my family, and it’s a relief to have a job. It’s nice to stand on my own two feet. I see that I can do something. It’s good to have a job and not need anyone. I don’t need a man to work.”

“My work makes sense”

Maha Eli also works at Lavîn. She says, “It’s enough to be ready for it. It’s nice to work with friends, we help each other. I provide for my family with my work. I know that my work is not meaningless. It’s nice to do something.”

The Revolution in Rojava is not only a revolution in which armed struggle was carried out but also an economic revolution having an autonomous economy. After the revolution, also known as the Women’s Revolution, hundreds of women’s organizations were founded. These organizations supported economic independence in the region. They formed the Women’s Economy Committee to support women facing financial problems. Thousands of women joined the economic projects started by the committee.

Kongra Star Economy Committee Administrator Armanc Muhamed spoke to [Jinha] agency about their works in 2021 and their plans in 2022.

Emphasizing that one of their objectives is to provide job opportunities for women’s economic empowerment, Armanc Muhamed says, “The Women’s Economy Committee was officially founded in 2015 to start projects to empower women’s economy. We also aim to provide job opportunities for women in need in order to stand on their own legs. In time, the committee developed projects to provide employment opportunities for women in agriculture, animal husbandry, industry, and commerce sectors. Cooperatives were founded. Our first project was about empowering women in agriculture. We provided employment opportunities for women in agriculture between 2014 and 2015.”

Women took part in projects

Noting that women are oppressed by society when they want to do work, Armanc Muhamed says that our society thinks women should stay at home. “More than 2 thousand women took part in our projects. Their aim was to create an independent economy to support their families without being dependent on anyone. We didn’t have experts when we started our projects but women improved themselves and become experts over time. They started their own projects. This year, women organized themselves in communes and cities.”

They realized their projects in 2021

Armanc Muhamed talks about the project they realized in 2021.

“800 women were employed in the tandoor and livestock projects in the villages. More than 100 women work for 71 plastic houses in Tirbe Spi within the scope of the Plastic House project. More than 70 women work for the cold-storage warehouse within the scope of the seasonal project started in Dêrik and Gir Kendal. We started a project for women to produce and sell furniture. We opened four workshops to sew dresses. The dresses sewn by women are sold in dress shops called “Lavin” in Qamishlo, Hesekê, Dirbesiyê, and Girkê Legê. We opened bread, animal husbandry, agriculture, and dress-making workshops for women in the Euphrates region. We opened a bakery and a food house in Deir ez-Zor. 20 women work for the bakery and food house.”

“We will empower women’s economy”

Armanc Muhemed also talks about their projects in 2022. “We will form a communal economy. We will continue to organize tandoor and animal husbandry projects through the communes. We will establish a special academy for the economy. We will empower women’s economy.”

The role of women has always been obscured in all life fields, but women were able to highlight their role with the revolution in northeast Syria, known as the Women’s Revolution, as they had an effective role in leading the revolution.

During the 10-years-old Rojava revolution, the women’s pent-up ambition and creativity were uncovered due to the established concepts of the dominant regimes. Women have been able to make breakthroughs in all areas of life.

One apsect of the women’s constructive role in 2020, developing the economy of society and women in particular, was the Women’s Economy Committee of Kongra Star, which contributed greatly to alleviating the repercussions of the US’s Caesar Act against the Assad-led government on the 17th of June, and the devaluation of the Syrian currency against the US dollar, which generated a stifling economic crisis in Syria, affecting the regions of northeast Syria as well.

‘Bringing back the economic core’

The jump-start to the women’s economy started with the establishment of the Women’s Economy Committee in northeast Syria during 2015, as numerous projects were undertaken. Establishing this committee meant to search for ways to restore the core of the economy, by replacing the greatest-profit based approach of the capitalist economy, and the monopoly in vogue at the present time, in the communal (societal) economy, which defines the economy as meeting the needs of society rather than from personal interests, so that women can reach the height of their economic independence.

‘The undertaken projects of 2020’

Regarding the projects of 2020, Ghalia Al-Najjar, a member of the committee in northeast Syria, stated that the focus was on developing the agricultural sector, noting that the soil suitable for agriculture and suffering of the high prices of imported vegetables led women to devote themselves to developing the agricultural sector.

Najjar continued: “the greenhouses were undertaken in many regions of northeast Syria. In the Euphrates region, agricultural lands have been invested. In Al-Hasakah canton, 5,000 dunams of agricultural land have been invested, and approximately 78 displaced women from Serêkaniyê were employed in them, and in Qamishlo, 1,800 dunums were invested, securing jobs for 60 women. In Dêrik sub-district, three agricultural associations were formed and Amuda, Tirbespiyê and al-Shaddadi also associations were formed.”

These various associations contribute to reviving the economy and collective solidarity work among members of society; an effective way to improve the standard of living, as the products are sold at low prices to enhance the spirit of cooperation and partnership among women and the development of local production.

Najjar indicated that they have set aside small factories, in which natural supplies free of chemicals are used, in the cities of Raqqa, Hasakah and Derbasiyah sub-district. An exhibition of home furniture was opened by women in Qamishlo. A similar project is scheduled in a few days in Girkê Legê district.

She added, “Sewing workshops have been opened branded as Lavîn and its branches in Kobani, Qamishlo, Derbasiyah, and Girkê Legê.”

A restaurant has also been opened in Semalka, Dêrik district, as well as food stores in both Washokani and Newroz camps.

It also established two bakeries in Al-Hasakah and Tal Tamer, a livestock project in Tirbespiye and a “Lara” sweets and pastry factory in Qamishlo and Amuda.

‘Our goal is to alleviate the economic crisis and empower women ‘

She noted that their goal was not limited to alleviating the burdens of the economic crisis, but rather to empower women to achieve their economic independence.

Regarding the challenges, she explained that the limited financial capabilities of the committee, the continuous Turkish attacks and the plunder of its mercenaries the goods and gains of the areas occupied and the mentality of the society that is still under the control of the capitalist economy challenged their action plan.

‘Under-study projects and scheduled ones in 2021’

She mentioned the projects that are still under study, which are scheduled to be implemented during 2021, saying: “The projects are building small factories for the manufacture of chips and pasta, detergents, and more. They are still under study, and it is likely that livestock will be developed.” She said that all planned projects will be implemented with the support and solidarity of women and society.

Their toil yielded effective results.

She emphasized that the projects of 2020 were 80% successful, despite the fact that they were established with simple means, but that they opened the way for women’s independence.

At the end of her speech, Ghalia al-Najjar called on women’s organizations and movements to stand up and cooperate with them, to be able to support the people of their region economically, and to seek to invest in more communal projects to allow all women to reach economic independence.

The Women’s Economy of North and East Syria develops projects and cooperatives so that women can create their own autonomous economy, without having to relying on men. The Women’s Economy, through its initiatives over the past few years, has tried to return the economy to its true nature.

According to the Women’s Economy, 16 women’s cooperatives have been established in the Jazira and Euphrates regions, employing 380 women. 58 women are working in greenhouses through the Demsal Project. In Tal Tamr, women cultivate 8,802 dunams of land. 11 women work in a livestock project, and 30 women work in a canning workshop. 78 women are working in an agricultural cooperative in the Washukani IDP camp. This year, 600 women took their places in cooperatives and projects, and in North and East Syria overall, more than 1,000 women are now working in the Women’s Economy.

“The Women’s Economy has developed in North and East Syria”

Regarding the difficulties of establishing the Women’s Economy and its acceptance in society, Armanc said: “In 2015, the Women’s Economy was established for the first time in North and East Syria, with the goal of raising women’s culture—a knowledge that for years has been stolen by men—and establishing an autonomous economy. Such a system had not yet been established, but we started to introduce the women’s economy system and its projects to communes and society. Our first project was agricultural. We started like this, and now our work continues actively with hundreds of cooperatives.”

“Women joined the projects”

Recalling women’s excitement about economic work, Armanc continued: “In our society, it was very difficult for women to quickly liberate themselves from the rules and customs of social traditions. Through educational programs and family visits, women joined our work and established their own autonomous economy. Women quickly joined these initiatves. The projects that were carried out were very successful.”

“We want to highlight the color and work of women”

Armanc focused on their work this year and continued: “As a first step, we expanded our small agricultural projects, because this region is known to be suitable for agriculture. The Lavîn Workship produced clothing, and three Lavîn stores were opened in Qamislo, Dirbesiye, and Girkelege in Jazira Canton. A furniture workshop and showroom was also opened in Qamislo. Our goal with opening the furniture workshop was to show our society that not only men, but women also could do such work. We wanted to highlight the color and work of women in major cities. At the same time, this was a very good step for the women’s economy.

“New cooperatives have been established”

Armanc noted that the women’s economy had already gained ground in many areas and said: “According to the decisions made at our 2020 conference, our negotiations with Arab regions like Raqqa, Tabqa, Deir Ezzor, Aleppo and Shehba were expanded. The Women’s Economy now oversees 70,000 dunams of land, though 49,000 dunams of our cooperative land in Serekaniye and Gire Spi are now under occupation. New cooperatives have been established in the Euphrates region, Qamishlo, Derik, and Washukani and Serekaniye IDP camps. Our Demsal project was also expanded, adding 60 greenhouses. There are now 80 greenhouses in total, and many types of vegetables are cultrivated. Branches of the project have also been established in Derik and Manbij.

“They liberated themselves from the ISIS mentality”

Armanc stated that Arab women now run projects for themselves: “After their liberation from ISIS and the ISIS mentality, which targeted the power and knowledge of women, Arab women could work in the Women’s Economy and establish and oversee their own projects. Now, many Arab women work in agricultural projects, food production workshops, and projects producing textiles and cleaning equipment. Poultry cooperatives have also been developed.”

“We develop projects according to women’s needs”

Armanc said that women now create their own projects: “Kurdish, Arab, and Syriac women have reached a reality where they have their own autonomous economy and seek to strengthen it. Because of this, women now discuss projects amongst themselves, share them with us, and we discuss and implement them according to their needs.”

‘With the Rojava Revolution, women have created an economic revolution’

Finally, Armanc said that women have built an economic revolution through the Rojava Revolution. “Within the Rojava Revolution, women have carried out a revolution of the women’s economy, establishing their own autonomous economy through their own knowledge and understanding. In the coming year, we will reach those regions that we have not yet reached, and develop projects that better develop the color and voice of women.”

In light of the curfew imposed in the regions of northern and eastern Syria to prevent the outbreak of the Corona virus, community activities in the region continue to provide humanitarian initiatives through which all segments of society are targeted.

In this context, the “Lavin” sewing workshop in al-Hasakah city are sewing medical scrubs for doctors and nurses to prevent corona virus.

Haifa Hamo, a worker in the workshop, explained to Hawar News that they had undertaken this initiative since the spread of the Corona virus in the world, and added, “Our goal of this initiative is to help doctors and hospitals.”

Haifa Hamo noted, “This initiative is free of charge without any financial consideration, and they are working on sewing approximately 500 pieces of medical coats on a daily basis.” She indicated that they are facing difficulties in securing the fabric, and said, “We hope that it will be provided to us as soon as possible so as not to stop working.”

In conclusion, Haifa Hamo appealed to the international and humanitarian organizations to enter all areas of north and east Syria to help the people in light of the conditions this region is going through.

According to the Rojava Information Center, the region has only one ventilator per 100,000 people, and can handle a maximum of 460 cases before its health system is overrun. While the WHO has supplied test kits to the Syrian government, none of the kits have been given to authorities in the northeast. PCR test machines have recently been supplied by the Kurdistan Regional Government — the region’s only existing PCR machines were destroyed in Turkish attacks on the main hospital in Sere Kaniye.

Strict preventative measures have been in place for weeks to stave off the threat of an outbreak. A lockdown went into force on March 23rd, and has generally been adhered to — and enforced. Border crossings are closed, with exemptions for some humanitarian aid. All individuals entering the region, including travellers from government-held Syria flying into the Qamishlo airport, have been subject to quarantine.

In combating these challenges with little international support, the region has turned to the political and economic structures that have allowed it to survive under harsh conditions throughout nearly a decade of civil war in Syria. Local media has reported in great detail on the ways in which these institutions are being repurposed to meet new needs and adapt to unprecedented challenges.

Co-operatives

Co-operatives form a significant part of North and East Syria’s economy. Material conditions in the region — which for most of its existence has been surrounded by hostile actors — required economic self-sufficiency. The ideological principles upon which the revolution is based also rejected the neoliberal economic order and the poverty and dependency on foreign aid and outside support that it has created in the Middle East.

Several textile co-operatives, including women’s co-operatives run by Kongra Star, have transitioned from producing everything from school uniforms to traditional clothing to making protective masks. Among these are the Amargî Workshop in Kobane, one of the longest-running women’s co-operatives in the region. Established in 2011, the co-operative employed 17 women in 2017. 10 workers in the co-operative have produced about 100 masks in the past two days.

“After the spread of coronavirus around the world, we began to make masks as part of a campaign to stop this pandemic,” Rewsen Hacim, a member of Kongra Star in Euphrates region, told ANHA. Hacim noted that masks were being made for members of the Autonomous Administration as well as for everyday citizens — to whom they would be distributed for free through neighborhood communes.

In Manbij, the Şehîd Sakîne Eseliye Workshop, another women’s co-operative, is making masks for members of local security forces — who must be outside despite the pandemic.

In Hasakeh, the Qessipyan Workshop has produced over 20,000 masks in recent weeks — about half of which have also been distributed to security forces responsible for maintaining the lockdown, and about 5,000 of which have been given to pharmacies.

Preparations are ongoing to increase production. New workshops have already been established, with Heyva Sor overseeing the production of thousands of masks to be distributed to civilians at a new workshop in Shahba region.

Another textile co-operative, the Lavin Workshop in Hasakeh, is now producing medical scrubs to provide to healthcare workers free of charge. Their goal is to produce 500 per day, though a worker noted that they worried about the availability of fabric.

Agricultural co-operatives have also remained active. These provide necessary food, lessening reliance on imports. Northern Syria was the country’s breadbasket prior to the civil war — though centralised governance meant that its people were not able to benefit equitably. The creation of agricultural co-operatives has democratised some of these resources. In total, co-operatives make up an estimated 7% of the economy of Jazira region — with women’s co-operatives contributing to nearly half of that figure.

These reports suggest that the existence of a co-operative system with institutional support has helped with pandemic preparation in two main ways. First, the presence of existing facilities, materials, and workers has clearly enabled North and East Syria to produce more goods faster than equivalent goods could be imported — and to do so without the need for dangerous international travel.

Second, co-operatives are more attuned to the needs of the communities their members live in, and thus more likely to make decisions based on need than profit. Their relationships with other Autonomous Administration institutions also makes society-wide coordination possible — in one example, a textile co-operative run by the Women’s Office of the Peoples’ Municipality in Derik had made about 500 masks in the first week of April alone.

Communes

The neighborhood commune is the smallest level of political organisation in North and East Syria. The members of each commune are all individuals above the age of sixteen in a given community, with a male and female co-chair serving as leaders. Each commune is divided into several committees with different responsibilities.

Recently, the communes have become essential for ensuring that the lockdown can be maintained without undue stress on everyday people. One ANHA report described how the process of food distribution implemented by the Autonomous Administration relies on the local knowledge and small scale of these structures. Communes are responsible for registering lists of names of those who need food assistance — primarily the poor and unemployed. The Social Affairs Commission then supplies food items, which are distributed by the communes.

This process is underway even in areas that lack basic resources without the threat of a pandemic — such as Shehba region, where tens of thousands of IDPs from Efrîn have lived since 2018. Shehba is regularly bombed by Turkey and its affiliated militias. Many of the IDPs who fled there took shelter in abandoned buildings that were damaged in the fight against ISIS, with several families often sheltering together in the same destroyed structures. Access to water and electricity is often intermittent, and has recently been threatened by Turkish attacks.

Despite this, the region’s communes are working with the local Social Affairs Commission to distribute food aid. In Fafin district, for example, food was distributed to about 2,000 families, with commune members going from family to family to distribute aid in order to prevent large groups from congregating. About half of these families are displaced Efrîn residents.

In Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh, SDF-held neighborhoods in Aleppo, local communes have followed the same system. Recently, the Co-Chair of the General Council of Sheikh Maqsoud stated that 5,000 packages of soap and cleaning supplies had been distributed to families whose primary breadwinners were out of work due to the lockdown.

Like co-operatives, communes allow relief efforts to be both centrally coordinated and based on community needs. Commune members do not need to travel beyond their neighbourhoods to distribute aid, lessening the number of people travelling from city to city. Reliable, organised distribution also lessens the likelihood that large groups of people will gather in shops out of fear that they may not get the items they need.

These institutions are not working alone. International support to provide medical aid and technology that the region cannot currently produce by itself is necessary. Private charity is also beneficial, with local media reporting that professional associations, civil society organisations, and well-off individuals have all contributed to relief efforts. Even so, democratic confederalist structures with strong popular support have undoubtedly played a key role in helping North and East Syria implement preventative measures.

The Germany Minister of Interior Horst Seehofer declared on February 12 2019 a ban on the Kurdish publishing house Mezopotamya. The ban is directly affecting our ecological campaign “Make Rojava Green Again”. 200 copies of our newly released book have been confiscated.

The Mezopotamya publishing house is distributing not only our books, but a huge variety of books on the topic of Kurdistan in many different languages. The 200 copies of Make Rojava Green Again which were seized were due to be distributed through Mezopotamia. The books had arrived only some days before the declaration of the ban by the Ministry of Interior, and the place of the publishing house has been raided and closed. All of the books and brochures have been confiscated.

Within the last months the book has been released in English, Italian, Greek and German. French, Swedish, Turkish, Kurdish and Spanish editions are due to be released in the coming weeks. With the book we try to show perspectives for solving ecological problems within Northern Syria and worldwide. In this we refer to to the theories of Social Ecology of Murray Bookchin and the Democratic Confederalism of Abdullah Öcalan.

The ban of the publishing house and confiscation of materials directly affects our work. We condemn this decision and demand the return of the books as well as the lifting of the ban of the Mezopotamya publishing house. The closing of Mezopotamya is an attack on freedom of thought and speech. The ban is an attempt to suppress the discourse of the establishment of self-administration in Northern and Eastern Syria and perspectives on solving the crisis in the Middle East. The spreading of ideas of a gender liberated, ecological and democratic society will not be prevented by bans and censorship, because already today these ideas are source of inspiration and hope for millions of people worldwide. We will continue our work despite these actions and with an even higher motivation. Under these circumstances we especially call for everyone to read our newly released book, Make Rojava Green Again, and other writings affected by the ban, and to spread the writings. The critique of a system which is every day enslaving billions of people and pushing for the destruction of natural resources remains legitimate and today is even more necessary than ever.

The Economic Committee of The Tabqa [Tebqa / Al-Thawrah] Democratic Civil Administration held a meeting which was attended by the Administration of Co-operative Societies in Northern Syria. They talked about the importance of establishing co-operatives and other communal economic projects in that region.

The meeting was held at the Academy of the Democratic Society. Attendees included Sarxabon Hasan, an administrator of the Co-operative Societies of Northern Syria, Ali Hamidi, a co-chair of Tabqa’s Legislative Committee, Iman Khalaf, co-chair of the Economic Committee, and many other co-chairs from administrations representing industry, trade and agriculture.

Sarxabon Hasan, co-chair of the Co-operative Societies of Northern Syria, blamed feudalists for the collapse of the communal economy. He said, “We should recognise the diverse methods of economy and their importance in improving the economy of the region and building communities. Let’s admit that feudalists have been controlling the economy of the region, monopolising and enslaving other members of society. Feudalism is the main cause of economic deterioration in the region.”

Hasan showed his confidence in people’s ability to overcome their economic dependency on feudalism. He said, “We can form a system of governance and hire employees and civil servants, but it is still some form of authoritarianism, and this thing should be totally rejected. We are working to activate communal projects and co-operative societies, people should participate to make decisions and plans. Co-operative societies will organise and include all people, and bring them together around co-operative and ethical values.”

The Economic Committee of The Tabqa Democratic Civil Administration has already formed a co-ordination committee to develop the communal economy.

Hasan also said, “The region needs a communal, political and ethical economy, and today it is the hardest thing to accomplish, but once accomplished, it will become the most successful form of economy. We will learn from co-operation and build a stable economy in a way that helps people become autonomous.”

“Building and improving the economy should be done in an ethical way, and we need to improve the economy in order to build a free and healthy society.”

Iman Khalaf, the other co-chair of the Committee of Co-operative Societies in Northern Syria, said, “We need to co-ordinate to give an all-inclusive view of the importance of activating co-operative societies and building communal projects to support the industrial, social and agricultural projects.”