Qamishlo – With the massive wave of displacement and the strain of economic blockade, women have moved to the forefront of community life in the city of Qamishlo in Rojava. From organizing shelters and securing daily necessities to supporting the local economy, their strength has become a key driver in sustaining life and mitigating the impact of the crisis on the city.

In every wave of displacement, losses are not measured only by the number of empty homes, but by the scale of the disruption that affects both the social and economic balance. With the arrival of thousands of displaced families from the Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh neighborhoods to the city of Qamishlo, the city has turned into an open space of living pressure. Women have emerged on the front lines of the daily struggle to maintain the continuity of life and prevent its collapse.

Ghalia Mahmoud Al-Najjar, a member of the Women’s Economy Committee of Kongra Star in Qamishlo canton, confirmed that the regions of North and East Syria have witnessed a large wave of displacement of Afrin residents from the Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh neighborhoods as a result of the military escalation launched by the jihadists of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham. This forced large numbers of civilians to head toward the city of Qamishlo, placing exceptional burdens on the region’s living and economic infrastructure.

She explained that the heavy influx of people coincided with the closure of major roads and crossings:

“Supply chains were severely disrupted, which was directly reflected in the availability of basic commodities, especially bread, heating materials, and cooking oils. This paralyzed market movement and increased economic pressure, effectively pushing the city into a suffocating living blockade.”

The supply, economy, and agriculture institutions, in cooperation with the local community, have tried to regulate the limited resources and prevent the crisis from worsening. However, the biggest challenge has been securing shelter and essential needs for the displaced.

“Many were forced to stay in schools, places of worship, or unfinished buildings, amid bitter cold and a severe shortage of heating means.”

Women, as shown, have borne the greatest burden of displacement. Their responsibilities in family care and meeting children’s needs have doubled under harsh psychological and economic conditions for which they were not prepared. Nevertheless, they have played a central role in social cohesion.

“They have helped organize shelter centers, protect children, support the community, participate in guarding and logistical support for fighters, prepare food, and maintain an active presence in community-based economic activities.”

Al-Najjar pointed out that this experience has revealed women’s ability to transform into an effective economic force. Women’s institutions are working to empower women—especially the displaced—through small projects that ensure independent income and reduce the impact of displacement. A large percentage of local economic activity is now led by women despite scarce resources.

She also noted that social solidarity has partially alleviated the severity of the crisis. Bakeries have continued operating, and traders have provided facilities as much as possible, in a collective attempt to prevent the collapse of living conditions.

“The current phase requires broad cooperation to overcome political, social, and economic challenges.”

Ghalia Al-Najjar concluded by stressing that the primary goal is for people to return to their homes:

“The land is not merely a place to live; it is the foundation of economic and social stability. The resilience and solidarity of society are the real guarantee for overcoming this phase with the least possible losses.”

Al-Hasakah Governor Nour al-Din Ahmed discussed with representatives of UNICEF and the Directorates of Water and Education ways to accelerate the reopening of the Alouk Water Station, in light of the ongoing water crisis that the governorate has suffered from for years.

During the meeting, the head of the organization’s office, Julie Faranda, reviewed UNICEF’s activities in the governorate and the possibility of strengthening cooperation with official bodies, particularly with regard to supporting the water sector and rehabilitating the infrastructure of essential services.

The Governor of al-Hasakah stressed the need to quickly restart the Alouk Station, which is the main source of drinking water for the city of al-Hasakah and its countryside, in addition to discussing the possibility of rehabilitating several damaged schools in the governorate.

These efforts come at a time when approximately 1.5 million people in al-Hasakah and its countryside have been facing an ongoing water crisis since 2019, after water pumping stopped from the Alouk station located in the Serê Kaniyê / Ras al-Ain area. This has forced residents to rely on expensive water tankers or shallow wells that often lack proper health standards.

According to local sources, international organizations, including the International Committee of the Red Cross, along with several UN agencies, have proposed initiatives to restart the station and cover maintenance costs. However, these efforts have not yet resulted in the restoration of water pumping.

Water from the Alouk station has been cut off to the cities of al-Hasakah and Tal Tamr more than 28 times over the past four years, and it has been completely halted since June 2023, despite repeated international mediation efforts.

The water crisis in al-Hasakah Governorate therefore remains unresolved, awaiting practical steps that would fully restore the operation of the Alouk Water Station and end years of suffering for residents in accessing safe drinking and domestic water.

The Rawesta Women’s Cooperative, established under the leadership of the Association for Solidarity with Families of Prisoners and Convicts (TUHAY-DER), continues its work. The cooperative brings together women whose relatives are in prison, enabling them to take part in collective production, with the income generated used to support prisoners’ families and prison[er]s. Aiming to expand production in the coming period and reach more families of prisoners, the cooperative also seeks to extend support to detainees from Rojava and Eastern Kurdistan (Rojhilat) whose relatives are not present here. Working under the motto, “We know the taste of labor, ecology, and solidarity,” the cooperative aims to spread this initiative to cities across the region.

The idea emerged during family visits

The cooperative was established based on collective labor and solidarity in response to the economic deprivation experienced by women with relatives in prison. Yeter Erel Tuma, co-chair of the association, spoke about how the idea for the cooperative emerged and the process of production. Tuma said the idea of forming a cooperative took shape during family visits, explaining that women who struggled to care for their imprisoned relatives, were unable to attend prison visits, and were grappling with deep poverty came together out of the need to produce collectively. She described the initiative as “a project developed on the basis of collective labor and solidarity.”

We wanted to build a model based on a communal structure

Tuma said poverty is one of the fundamental problems in this country [Turkey] and pointed to the reality that women in Kurdistan are being systematically impoverished as part of a special war policy. Tuma said: “It has become inevitable to build a structure through which women can break out of this poverty by organizing themselves, by organizing one another and their labor. We could have established this structure as a company or another type of economic enterprise. However, we are aware that cooperativization is one of the most important tools for local development. We wanted to build a model that expands solidarity and is based on a communal structure.”

Women both work and expand support

Tuma said that collective meal production is currently carried out within the cooperative, noting that food is prepared for weddings, condolence gatherings, restaurants, public kitchens, trainings, and congresses. She added that the income generated covers all the cooperative’s expenses. Tuma said, “We place a particular emphasis on solidarity. All the women who contribute their labor within the cooperative have relatives in prison. These women are directly connected to the association and are relatives of prisoners who are members of the association. By organizing here, women aim to become economically stronger. This stems from the need to be able to support their relatives in prison and to attend prison visits.”

A solidarity commune is being formed

Tuma said the cooperative has another important goal, noting that the income generated is first used to cover all expenses and operational costs. She said, “While the women working here try to support their relatives in prison, they are also forming a solidarity commune for prisoners from Rojava and Eastern Kurdistan whose families are not present here.”

We want to expand solidarity through our own strength

Aslı Çelebi, a relative of a prisoner who works in the cooperative, said that being part of this initiative, where both women and families stand on their own feet, has given her great hope. Çelebi said that they produce, earn, and share without being indebted to anyone, and that they act in solidarity. She continued: “We established this cooperative with the spirit and idea of the commune. Here, we are doing everything we can to expand both production and our collective efforts. With the work carried out here, we want to reach more families of prisoners. We want to stand on our own feet without being indebted to anyone. Today, we cannot reach all prisons, and we cannot provide support everywhere. Through this cooperative, we want to support the prisons or prisoners we cannot yet reach, and we aim to do this through our own strength. We will gradually expand the areas of production. By standing side by side with families, we want to grow this place together. Together with the families of prisoners, we want to both produce here and expand solidarity. Now, seven women are working here, but through the production we carry out, we aim to reach all women.”

Qamishlo — The Women’s Authority in Jazira Canton in Rojava continues its work to support women and protect their rights and achievements, relying on comprehensive approaches that go beyond relief assistance to include structural, social, and political empowerment of women.

The work of the Women’s Authority is not limited to providing direct support only, but also focuses on strengthening women’s organizational structures in neighborhoods, villages, and cities, starting from the communes that form the first line of defense for women’s rights, dignity, and organization.

The Co-Chair of the Women’s Authority in Jazira Canton, Rohat Khalil, confirmed that the Authority focuses on several main pillars in its work. The first is protection and self-organization, through following up on cases of domestic violence and gender-based violence via women’s protection centers and community committees, with a focus on solutions that preserve women’s dignity and prevent the recurrence of violations.

She explained: “We work to strengthen women’s organizational structures and reinforce communes and local councils, so that women are able to defend themselves and their achievements, and remain an active force in society despite all challenges.”

She added that the Authority works on women’s economic empowerment through cooperative projects, production workshops, and small agricultural and industrial projects. She noted that around 40 projects have been prepared to serve women in villages and cities, despite the complex political and security conditions that have prevented their full implementation. “Economic empowerment is closely linked to social and political empowerment, to ensure that women are not dependent solely on financial support, and to enable their full participation in community life.”

She highlighted the importance of women’s participation in political and social decision-making, stating that “women played a fundamental role in the Rojava Revolution in building a free and democratic society. They participated in all political, economic, social, and diplomatic fields, leaving a clear mark on the development and organization of community institutions. The establishment of the Women’s Protection Units and the development of their organizational structures have become a model emulated globally.” She also stressed the importance of training women in leadership, management, and institutional work to enhance their capacity to influence and make decisions.

Core Pillars for Continuing the Work

As Rohat Khalil explained, the Women’s Authority relies on three fundamental pillars to ensure continuity despite difficult circumstances: flexible grassroots organization, which allows work to continue even under siege and bombardment; the philosophy of community resistance, which gives the work meaning and resilience; and cross-border women’s solidarity, which creates a strong political and social protection network.

The Authority has worked to build independent women’s institutions, including the Women’s Authority, women’s protection centers, and women’s justice houses, in addition to strengthening women’s presence in community defense and security. It has also sought to change the stereotypical image of women from victims to active partners in protecting society and decision-making. “Raising awareness of women’s rights includes all segments of society through workshops and dialogue sessions in schools, communes, councils, and universities, and by working alongside men, because women’s liberation is the liberation of society as a whole, not a struggle against men.”

She also pointed to the major challenges facing the Authority’s work, including ongoing security threats, economic crises that increase women’s vulnerability, and patriarchal customs and traditions that still hinder change. In addition, there is political and media targeting of the women’s experience in Rojava, and a prevailing authoritarian mentality that rejects the principle of co-presidency and 50% women’s participation. “Despite all these challenges, we continue working to strengthen women’s self-organization as a first line of protection, link feminist rights struggles with economic and political struggles, build alliances with regional and international women’s organizations to break political isolation, and develop long-term programs to transform culture rather than rely solely on laws.”

Achievements Are the Fruit of Women’s Sacrifices

She emphasized that the achievements made were not accidental or granted, but rather the result of women’s struggle and sacrifices in Rojava, and that protecting them is a collective responsibility. “By protecting women’s rights, we protect the future of the entire society. Women’s participation is not an option but an inevitable necessity for societal stability and justice. A strong society is measured by the extent to which it respects women’s rights and includes them in decision-making.”

The Co-Chair of the Women’s Authority in Jazira Canton, Rohat Khalil, concluded by affirming that the Women’s Authority will continue supporting women in all fields — from legal and social protection to economic and political empowerment — with a focus on building a generation of women capable of leadership and decision-making, ensuring they have a real and influential voice in the future.

Geologist Amer al-Rakrak told North Press that all wells in Hasakah are shallow, noting that the governorate lacks artesian wells or deep groundwater reserves fed from distant or renewable sources. He explained that most wells historically depended on the Khabur and Jaghjagh rivers, in addition to seasonal rainwater runoff, all of which have sharply declined in recent years.

Al-Rakrak attributed the rapid drop in groundwater levels to excessive pumping by residents and private water distribution outlets, as well as random and unregulated drilling in unsuitable geological layers. “These practices not only cause water levels to fall, but also lead to a gradual deterioration in water quality with every additional decline,” he added. 

He indicated that some areas rely directly on rainfall, rivers, and nearby streams, but stressed that these sources are insufficient to meet summer demand and cannot serve as a long-term solution to secure water supplies for Hasakah city and its surrounding countryside.

According to al-Rakrak, groundwater levels are falling by an estimated two to three meters annually, placing increasing pressure on residents, agricultural production, and vegetation cover, and turning water management into a persistent and growing challenge.

He stressed the urgent need for long-term, sustainable strategic projects, such as constructing a water canal from the Tigris River, to ensure lasting water security for the region.

Failure to implement such solutions, he warned, could lead to the complete depletion of existing wells and render water sources unfit for drinking, with serious health, environmental, and agricultural consequences.

Hasakah Governorate has long been one of Syria’s most agriculturally important regions, heavily dependent on rainfall, rivers, and groundwater to sustain farming and daily life.

Over the past decade, however, prolonged drought, climate change, upstream water policies, and damage to infrastructure caused by the conflict have significantly reduced surface water availability.

The drying of the Khabur River and repeated disruptions to major water facilities, including the Alouk water station, have forced residents to increasingly rely on groundwater.  

The absence of effective regulation and sustainable water management has accelerated depletion, making water scarcity one of the most pressing humanitarian and environmental challenges facing northeastern Syria today.

Qamishlo – Amid security tensions and complex humanitarian crises affecting the regions of North and East Syria, the Women’s House in the city of Qamishlo continues to carry out its community and rights-based role with dedication and determination.

The role of the Women’s House is not limited to providing direct support; it also includes protecting women and children, empowering them legally and socially, and promoting a culture of awareness regarding women’s rights within society.

Bahia Murad, an administrator at the Women’s House in Qamishlo, stated that the institution has not stopped for a single moment from providing support and assistance to women and the local community, despite the exceptional and complex conditions the region has been experiencing for nearly a month.

“The Women’s House, in cooperation with other women’s institutions, has worked to provide comprehensive protection for girls and women exposed to violence and threats, in addition to offering psychological, social, and legal support to mothers and children, while ensuring the continuity of economic and legal rights, so that women remain at the forefront of protection and community development,” she said.

She explained that the Women’s House closely monitored the situation of forcibly displaced people who arrived in the area and provided them with comprehensive support safely and efficiently. The House’s efforts included providing shelter in displacement centers, schools, and mosques, in addition to meeting basic needs such as bedding, blankets, and household supplies, in cooperation with local humanitarian organizations.

She confirmed that work teams are distributed across all areas to ensure that support reaches everyone in need, with close follow-up on each case to ensure that no woman or girl is subjected to violence or marginalization, while providing full care and continuous follow-up for all beneficiaries.

“The work of the Women’s House is not limited to material support; it also includes legal and community protection. The House follows up on child alimony cases, provides legal consultations to mothers who do not have a stable income, and cooperates with security authorities to ensure the safety of women and girls.”

The Women’s House also communicates with women through local and international hotlines to ensure the provision of consultations and immediate assistance in emergency cases, achieving sustainable protection and preventing any violation of women’s rights.

Intensive Awareness Sessions

Bahia Murad addressed the significant awareness-raising role played by the institution, noting that the Women’s House organizes intensive awareness sessions for women about their legal and social rights, and informs them about available services and resources, including complaint mechanisms and ways to protect themselves and their children.

“These initiatives come within a comprehensive plan to enhance women’s independence and empower them to fully exercise their role in society, whether economically or socially, ensuring their effective participation in all fields,” she said.

She explained that the Women’s House works in an integrated manner with other women’s institutions, such as Kongra Star and the Women’s Authority, to preserve the achievements of the Rojava Revolution.

“Women’s participation in leadership and administrative positions according to the principle of partnership and equality (50–50) ensures the continuity and protection of these achievements, and reflects society’s commitment to the importance of women’s participation in decision-making and building a balanced and inclusive community.”

Bahia Murad clarified that the most prominent challenges facing women in the region are related to protection from violence, economic pressures, and the rising cost of living. She pointed out that women represent the beating heart of society and a fundamental pillar in building the local economy and maintaining family and social cohesion.

“The role of women in society is not a choice, but a necessity to ensure stability and progress. Women deserve all support and recognition for their vital role in all fields,” she said.

In conclusion, Bahia Murad stressed the importance of continuing cooperation between women’s institutions and civil and security bodies to ensure comprehensive support for women, protect their rights, and empower them to carry out their social and economic roles with full freedom and dignity.

“The Women’s House will remain at the forefront of institutions defending women’s rights and a key reference for every woman seeking protection, support, and equality in North and East Syria, with a commitment to humanitarian principles and revolutionary values that have made women the axis of change and a progressive society.

The co-chair of Kobanê University, Şervan Mislim, spoke to ANF about the founding process of the university, its educational model, and the level it has reached today. He said that the university, founded in 2017 based on the academic needs that emerged after the Kobanê resistance, developed significantly in a short time. Mislim emphasized that Kobanê University not only built an educational system that responds to the needs of the region but also raised its academic level each year through relations established with international universities.

Mislim recalled that Kobanê University started education in 2017 only with the Kurdish Language and Literature, and Physics and Chemistry faculties, and added: “After the victory of the Kobanê resistance and the defeat of ISIS, there was a need for a university in Kobanê. Previously, Afrin University opened in 2015, and Rojava University in 2016. Therefore, it was considered necessary to establish a university in Kobanê to initiate academic education and ensure that students could continue their studies from first to twelfth grade. For this reason, Kobanê University was opened in 2017.”

Mislim said that they started with 32 students, and added: “The system of Kobanê University is different from other universities. We conducted research around the world, and then we built our own system. We had criteria. We opened departments according to the needs of society. We decided to open departments such as Medicine, Teaching, Electricity, Computer Science, and many others. We started with two faculties, and today dozens have been opened. We went from 32 to 1,600 students.

Our university has faculties of Kurdish Language and Literature, Arabic Language and English Literature. There are departments of Physics, Chemistry, Mathematics, and Biology. There is an Education Faculty with Classroom Teaching and Preschool Teaching departments. There is a Law Faculty and a Faculty of Social Sciences which includes Sociology, Jineology, Philosophy, and History. There are Medical Sciences faculties such as Nursing, Laboratory, Emergency Medicine, and Anesthesia. There are Technical, Computer, and Electricity departments. There is also an Agriculture Faculty. Many of our 1,600 students have now graduated. After graduation, these students take positions in the Autonomous Administration institutions and begin working according to their fields. We see our students working according to their specialties in schools, hospitals, and in every institution of society.”

Working jointly with many universities

Mislim also emphasized their relations with universities worldwide: “Every year we increase our departments. Many doctors and professors across Syria now work at our university. Our university is now at the stage of establishing international relations. This shows its level of development. We have had relations with many academics and opened master’s programs. We are currently preparing to open a doctoral program in Kurdish Language and Literature. We established relations with the Silêmanî Institute. We also signed an agreement with a university in Poland; this was a very important step. It will allow our students to go to Poland and their students to come here.”

Mislim added: “We also have relations with universities in South Kurdistan and hope to sign agreements. We have also carried out joint work with universities in America, Poland, and the Philippines. This means that our educational level has risen considerably. Our work has paid off; our diplomas have become a starting point and a document of recognition. At the same time, Kobanê University will develop many academic programs in accordance with the needs of society and for the advancement of artificial intelligence.”

Raqqa is a very ancient city, with an Arab majority where Kurds and Assyrians have always coexisted, with a desert climate but tinged by the intense blue of the Euphrates River and the green vegetation of its banks. When we visited in 2018, 90% of the city had been destroyed due to the war. I remembered very well the square from which the YPJ Command had announced the end of the Battle of Raqqa and its liberation. That square had been used by Daesh to spread its message of terror, placing decapitated heads around it, and people caged in its center. The same square that had been a symbol of the deepest brutality of our century for four years, now became a symbol of liberation and hope.

The second time I visited Raqqa was a few months ago. Seven years later, the city seemed different. From its ruins, Raqqa had risen again. The life, noise and color bore no resemblance to the silence, mistrust and sadness that permeated the first time. Raqqa had awakened from a nightmare that had been too long, and which was not easy to forget. With great effort and determination, the former Daesh capital had become the administrative capital of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of Northern and Eastern Syria, led by women, and with representation from all ethnic and religious communities. We had the opportunity to visit the Zenobia center, the women’s movement of the Arab regions, or liberated regions, as they called them. Arab women, like Kurdish women, were leading the transformation process of their society, carrying out awareness and sensitization work, and training and organizing other women. The center was adorned with small and numerous flags of Abdullah Öcalan, leader and founder of the democratic nation paradigm on which the Rojava Revolution is based; a paradigm within which the Arab women of Raqqa had found the possibility to exist. Images of Arab and Kurdish women who had been martyred by attacks from Turkey or jihadist groups could be seen in the room where they received us. Those women, who had lived under Daesh’s yoke and continued to rebel against the classic and traditional roles their community expected of them, were happy, strong and determined to continue insisting on freedom and dignity.

In recent days, with the attacks carried out by the groups of the Transitional Government of Damascus and Turkey in the region, and with Raqqa once again under HTS control, a new way of naming Daesh’s Salafist ideology, with all the images and information arriving from there about the return of the nightmare they were trying to forget since 2017, I constantly ask myself: What has become of them?

What is being attacked today, in addition to a people and a land, is a way and culture of life, dignity itself and the beauty of coexistence. But if Rojava and Raqqa have demonstrated anything in these years, it is that once women open their eyes, there is nothing that can close them again; once women have decided to live in freedom, they will always find a way to get there; there is nothing that can stop the strength and will of women.

I wanted to take advantage of this short article to share part of the interview conducted in 2019 with Cihan Sheik Ahmed, YPJ Commander and spokesperson of the Battle of Raqqa, published in the book Woman Life Freedom: In the Fire of the Women’s Revolution in Rojava. Cihan is a Kurd from Raqqa:

“For me it was a great experience to coordinate the war as spokesperson. I wrote my name in history representing the YPJ. I’m really happy. When the jihadists entered Raqqa I was there. It was like a wound. I was wounded in Raqqa. We had to leave. But in my head there was always the dream of returning to Raqqa, of liberating Raqqa. When the Raqqa front started it was natural that I participated. Because I know both the territory and the people. The people of Raqqa called us; they knew the Syrian Democratic Forces and the pain they suffered with Daesh had reached the highest level. Therefore, our start of the front was on one side for the people and on the other side revenge for the Yazidi women. Raqqa was a peaceful city. There are Kurds, Arabs, Assyrians… Our neighbors were from everywhere; Muslims, Christians. There were no differences among us. That city that is always beautiful in your imagination is now a place where women are sold, are raped. My family lived for a year in Raqqa under Daesh. The pain of the family and the people was the main reason to go liberate the city, along with the call of the people.

In Raqqa the reality was that there were women both in coordination, in combat and on the most advanced fronts. Our comrades also fought, I’m not saying they didn’t. But, to this day, all the wars in the world and in history were always carried out with the man’s mentality, and the war that men make is very different from the war that women make. The war that men make brings with it more destruction. It brings power. But the war that women make brings life with it. I was in Raqqa as spokesperson. Maybe at first they didn’t know us in the ideological sense, because we went directly to the front, but people saw in the women, in their struggle and in their sacrifice, the revolution of what we now call the revolution of northern and eastern Syria. We say that our revolution is for all of Syria, although previously the people of Manbij, Raqqa, Deir ez-Zor, were far from us. They didn’t like us much. On the front, women, men, girls or elderly women, when we moved them to security zones, saw our strength, that is, they saw life.

In the women of our Arab population, something very strange happened, because our Kurdish and Arab cultures are different from each other. In addition, we as Kurdish society have a heritage, we know the movement, and there is a sensitivity. Therefore, for years, we have always developed our search for freedom. This has always been in the Kurdish people. But in our Arab society, especially in women, it had not occurred. They learned about it after the liberation of these cities. At first, when young Arab women came to join us, they said, “give us weapons so we can take revenge on Daesh”. They had killed their father, or their mother, or their brother, they had cut their necks. They wanted revenge, because the pain that women have suffered with Daesh is really a very great pain. But after they arrived and joined us, the first need was for them to know themselves, to know their personality, to know their history and their existence, so they could make their decisions. That’s why we said, “our revenge is everything we can know about ourselves as women”. Our revenge is not just military. Why do I say this? YPJ doesn’t just go to war and fight against enemies. First of all, it aims to end this mentality of power that has been established in society for thousands of years; to break with the mentality of domination and build again women’s own will. When Arab women understood this reality they became stronger, in the sense of thought and confidence; it has been made known to the world that women, if they triumph mentally, are liberated. Until women are not mentally free, they cannot take up arms and fight. Daesh represents the highest level of the mentality of domination, a mentality that wants to eliminate us. If we are not united, if we do not carry out a strong struggle, if we do not make our organization bigger, we will always encounter this mentality. Daesh tomorrow will be called something else. It won’t be long before we finish with Daesh, but its mentality is still there. That’s why our struggle doesn’t end with the end of Daesh. Our struggle will end with the elimination of the dominant mentality. When we really build a free society with the color of women; then we can say that we have reached the result we want.

It was a very great triumph. On one side we fought, but on the other side we also made our organization bigger. We would take a town and all the youth would join us. They received training and participated on the front. Tribal leaders met with us, they helped us a lot, and the people were on our side. If in a war where the people are on your side, you will win; this is a reality. People said, “we are relaxed when we see that in front of a team there are women, we know that town will be liberated, that neighborhood will be liberated”. In Raqqa they said “Kurdish women”, but really they were YPJ women. For us it was a very great experience. The psychology of the people of Raqqa was different, because of Daesh’s violence. When you liberated these people, when you looked them in the eyes, you saw that the value of life, the hope for life, had died. For this reason, our Raqqa front was not only military but also social, it was a humanitarian front. How do you bring a person back to life? You listen to the children that Daesh has trained, and you know that these children have lost their childhood. War, murder, beheading, cutting off hands. When you hug them and they smile, something new is created inside them, you feel that they desire life. In Raqqa, when we arrived, people told us, “are you real?”. It was like a dream. Once, a woman approached me, kissed me and said, “this is enough for me, you are a woman who has come to liberate us”. A woman who comes to free women; a woman who comes to save women. Another woman said, “I look at you and I feel happy, I see myself in you”. True, we liberated Raqqa, we liberated Manbij, now (2019) we are liberating Deir ez-Zor, but these people have a great need for psychological help. Building a city again is not a problem, but building a person again, this is the most important thing. If we look at history, we see that all the wars that have occurred have been for power, for domination, but women fight for their existence, for freedom.”

Zenobia Women’s Gathering was founded in 2021 and is a women’s movement in Raqqa, Tabqa, Manbij, Deir ez-Zor and other areas that were liberated from ISIS.

After the liberation, women’s centres were built up and started their work to solve all social problems that are imprisoning women, such as domestic violence, underage marriage, polygamy, murder, divorce and [lack of] inheritance. The years of ISIS occupation left deep scars in the mentality of society, however even before then women were fighting against the patriarchal mentality. There are thousands of women part of Zenobia, working towards a a free and dignified life.

The organisation is named after the Warrior Queen of the Palmyra Empire. As a spokesperson of Zenobia women’s gathering said: She is a “model for Syrian women who are able to achieve the impossible and lead their society towards progress and prosperity.”

Arab, Circassian, Turkmen and Kurdish women organized together and built unity through their struggle against the mentality of male domination. Zenobia is a coming together of women, helping women gain the strength and self knowledge to become leaders in their society.

They ran academies for women to become strong, economic projects to help women become economically independent, awareness campaigns, health committees, women’s houses and more.

The occupation of the Syrian Transitional Government of Raqqa, Tabqa and the other areas that were liberated from ISIS, is not merely an administrative change, it is a violent attempt to force women back from taking roles within society. It is an attack on the gains women have made.

The statement made by Zenobia in Dec 2025 against the attacks happening to minorities within Syria, they stated that Syria “will not be built by force or exclusion, but through dialogue, justice, and respect for the will of its people, and that women will remain the voice of wisdom and guardians of the country’s unity and peace.”This was true then and it is true more than ever now!

Now, since the taking over of Raqqa and Tabqa by a jihadist government we are unclear of the future of Zenobia, but what we know it that Arab, Kurdish, Assyrian and all the women of the world will continue to work together, for a free and meaningful life.

This story begins in Afrin.

Afrin is a painful word for those who call it home, because they haven’t been there for a long time. Since the Turkish occupation in 2018, many have been living in a camp set up near to Afrin, in Shehba, staying as close as they could. Last winter, they were again forced out by the war waged by jihadist mercenaries, who have now been incorporated into the Syrian army.  Many of the people stayed in a new camp in Tabqa. We visited them there, were invited into their tents, and heard about the hardships they face: the cold in winter, the heat in summer, but also their determination to stay together and one day return to Afrin.  This winter, with Tabqa being attacked and taken by the Syrian transitional government and their jihadist mercenary gangs, these people were violently forced to leave once again. In the far northwest of Syria, the Afrin region was liberated from the Ba’ath regime in 2012 during the Rojava Revolution. As throughout the liberated territory, the people themselves established democratic institutions of self-governance. Since then, society had organized itself into communes and councils, a community economy was established through cooperatives, and a sense of community was developed through education.

“This means that whenever a decision was made, the commune was involved, and for problem solving as well. The commune creates the organization of society; we give it the greatest importance of all institutions and councils. Everyone finds a place in the commune,” says the women that are active in the institutions of self-governed refugee camp in Tabqa. This democratic system, in which every individual participates in decision-making processes, so that these are made in the interest of the common good, represents the people’s of North and East Syria vision of a free life. This life is based on democratic and ecological values, with the necessity of women’s liberation and gender equality taking center stage.

The women continue their story of life in Afrin: “At the beginning of the Rojava Revolution in 2012/2013, Afrin lived in a self-sufficient circular economy. People fed themselves from the land that surrounded them. Every house had trees in the yard and gardens. When growing plants for sale, chemical fertilizers are used to increase profits, but there was no such thing in Afrin. When the women grew food at home, they met the needs of their households and perhaps also those of their neighbors and friends. Afrin was isolated (besieged), and we could have survived like that for another ten years. Why? Because every house had its own garden that could provide for itself. The women were instrumental in this, cultivating and watering the land. They planted flowers here and tomatoes there. A delicate rose here and beans next to it. The people of Afrin grew everything themselves. In addition, every house had sheep for yogurt, milk, and cheese. And these, too, were mostly cared for by the mothers.”

The women speak with pride about the natural circular economy and the importance of self-sufficiency in times of war and siege. The role of women and mothers in this, as the bearers of this communal life, is paramount for them. They speak of how green their homeland of Afrin is, in contrast to the arid landscape where they are now trying to rebuild their lives.

“You’d think you couldn’t plant anything [here], but we’ve planted everything”.

They don’t mean just any green, not lush grass green or dark fir green, but the gray-green of olive trees. Afrin is famous for its olive trees and oil production. The Turkish army, which violently disrupted communal life in Afrin in January 2018, called its military offensive “Operation Olive Branch.” With the newly created mercenary group “Syrian National Army” (SNA), which is intended to implement Turkish interests on the other side of the border in Syria, an offensive war against Afrin began on January 20th.

“During the Afrin War, there were suddenly warplanes in the sky above us. We had never seen anything like it in our lives. We had no experience of war,” the women recount about that day. Turkish interests were focused on defending a concept of homeland that allowed only one ethnic group, one language, one culture, and one religion to be at home. To establish this understanding, the Turkish state was built on the foundation of denying Kurdish society, language, ethnicity, and culture. The vibrant community life that developed through the Rojava Revolution on the other side of the Turkish border threatened to disprove this concept, especially since it was led by a Kurdish initiative. The women from Afrin tell how, through the shared resistance of women, ethnic divisions were overcome, as they assumed a leading role for the entire society.

The truth is, women have led life for thousands of years. But we, in the midst of it all, faced many difficulties. Whether we like it or not, in culture, religion, everywhere there are customs and traditions. The efforts and work of the women’s movement became a model and a source of strength for us. Within society, as women, to build autonomy among women, to get to know ourselves and liberate ourselves… and with this become pioneers for all women worldwide… In Afrin lived mainly Kurdish and Arab women, a few Turkmen families as well. When we talked about building up women’s communes, it felt as if the whole society was moving toward a line of correction. Society could take a deep breath… could breathe more easily. We made educations about the defense of women’s rights. Freedom is not easy… Women’s liberation means women must get to know themselves. We needed women’s communes because in them women could share their pain and suffering caused by oppressive traditions, fathers, brothers, or husbands with each other.

Two months after the start of the war of aggression, on March 18, 2018, the Turkish-backed SNA began its occupation of Afrin. They looted villages, raped, murdered, kidnapped, tortured, and committed numerous massacres of civilians. Speaking the Kurdish language became banned and persecuted, and the historically significant olive groves were burned. Thousands of people were forced to leave their home. Since Afrin had become a refuge for many fleeing previous wars, such as the ISIS attacks in Shengal, this displacement was the second in the lives of many. The people of Afrin did not give up their goal of returning home and therefore only traveled as far as necessary. Many went to Aleppo or Shehba. Shehba was also surrounded by the Turkish occupation and the totalitarian Syrian Assad regime and subjected to an economic embargo and constant attacks. The thousands of internally displaced people from Afrin did not give up and developed a vision of a free, communal life in the refugee camps.

After our arrival [in Shehba], we spent three months visiting families in tents. We went from house to house and talked about how women could support themselves, identify problems early on, and keep their children and the surrounding area clean. Because when women are well-prepared and empowered, they can provide for the whole family. Afterwards, we met in the community council. We discussed our situation, the war situation, how we had been displaced, and how we wanted to organize ourselves in the future.

In the refugee camps, self-defense was also organized. “If a stranger arrived (to the camp), someone from the self-defense committee would immediately check who it was. Now, three-quarters of the members of the self-defense committee are women. In general, the women are the ones who do the most work. Despite all the difficulties in the tents, especially for families with children, the women are resisting, organizing themselves, and defending themselves and their families.” Self-defense encompasses many roles. Some stand guard, go on patrol, and learn how to use weapons. Others “said they were needed at home, but they would inform the others if they noticed any problems.” Their aim was not only to organize daily life well in the war situation, but above all to create a future that could overcome the war.

We had set up a nursery in Shehba. Everything was ready for the children’s first day. The teachers had painted pictures on the wall. They asked, ‘Should we paint a car?’ I said, ‘Everything we paint should be from nature.’ They asked, ‘Why?’ and I said, ‘So that the children, both girls and boys, can observe nature and find peace. So that they grow up with love. When they observe nature, love will develop within them. Then they will also love their surroundings in general.’ The teachers agreed. Whoever loves nature loves everything. But we had to give up the daycare center and leave Shehba.

For seven years, the people from Afrin had lived in Shehba, continuing their self-governance in the camps and defending these values against the Turkish attacks. “When your hands plant something in the earth, you build knowledge and energy. When you are separated from that… Have you seen what they are doing to the olive trees in Afrin? They are cutting down the olive trees. Have you seen it? You cannot separate the women of Afrin from nature. People think that nothing grows in the camps. But we have planted everything. To be separated from that is like being separated from your own beauty, the love of life, of your spirit.”

When the Assad regime was overthrown in the fall of 2024, Turkey seized the opportunity and attacked the region with air and ground strikes by the SNA and the Turkish military. On December 2, 2024, the refugee camps were evacuated, and the people were forced to flee once again.

“This has an impact on people. Women are affected the most. Because they are often tied to the home, taking care of the household, raising the children. Whether everything necessary for life is available or not, whether there is work or not, whether everything is running smoothly or not… it affects them greatly. Some problems and difficulties are experienced as a result of this escape,” one of the women explains.

Another woman adds:

When we had to flee Shehba and came here, think about it, it was the middle of winter. We were in tents in the cold. But the women resisted and defended themselves in the camps, because a woman who isn’t organized and can’t defend herself, can’t live under such conditions. […] Together, the women support each other and encourage one another to defy the conditions.

Some families went to the cities and found work, others moved to other refugee camps, like the women interviewed in Tabqa, and still others moved to Aleppo. In Aleppo, they were integrated into the neighborhood communities in the self-governed districts of Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh and became involved in the committees. The remaining parts of Aleppo were under the control of the new Syrian Transitional Government, which was formed after the Islamist militia Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) seized power in the fall of 2024. Because of their location, the two self-governing districts played a significant role and repeatedly were the scene of conflict. The transitional government fueled divisions and incitement, especially against religious and ethnic minorities in the self-governing districts. In a negotiation process for the integration of the self-defense units of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) into the transitional government, an agreement was reached on March 10, 2025. The goal of democratization should create a Syria in which all its inhabitants can find a home together.

Point 5 of the agreement states: “Guaranteeing the return of all displaced Syrians to their cities and villages and guaranteeing their protection by the Syrian state.”

And point 7: “Rejection of calls for division, hate speech, and attempts to sow discord among the population groups of Syria.”

Aleppo played a special role in the implementation of the agreement and the decentralization of Syria. The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) entrusted the security of the self-governed neighborhoods to internal security forces rooted in the community self-defense committees. In April 2025, the civilian council of the neighborhoods signed an agreement with the Syrian Transitional Government. This agreement confirmed that the two neighborhoods would remain self-governed while still being recognized as part of Aleppo, respecting the area’s social and cultural identity. The roads to the rest of Aleppo were to be opened, and responsibility for the security of the neighborhoods was to be shared.

Toward the end of the year, it became increasingly clear that the processes of democratization and decentralization in Syria would not be implemented quickly, but instead were being blocked. The resulting tensions were particularly evident in the neighborhoods of Aleppo. In December, government forces blocked access roads to the neighborhoods, hindering the delivery of supplies. This was followed by military clashes between the government and internal security forces following attacks on public demonstrations. On January 6, 2026, mercenary militias loyal to the Syrian transitional government and Turkey launched a targeted attack on civilians and infrastructure using heavy weapons. They murdered and destroyed using inhumane methods. Many people left their neighborhoods, venturing once again into the unknown. Others heeded the call of the municipalities and councils and decided to remain in their neighborhoods and resist. The self-governing administration’s internal security forces defended the neighborhoods and resisted for days, whilst jihadist groups shows their complete distortion of life, capturing civilians, mutilating and desecrating the bodies of the murdered. Women, in particular, experienced violence at the hands of the attackers’ fascist jihadist mentality. This war in Syria is taking homeland in all its material sense of life, and additionally attacking a way of defining home as something alive, something that can lead a way to peace for the whole world. The people in Rojava despite the tears in their eyes, despite the pain that every war brings, know for certain: only a life of resistance can bring peace to their home. Even after eight years of occupation of Afrin, the people are still determined to return. “Everyone says the militias have taken over Afrin, cut down the trees, killed, occupied, and destroyed everything. But we want to return to our land. We will make Afrin green again, just like it was before. We women have this belief.”

One of the women concludes the conversation, and another adds:

I say, when I return to Afrin, I will go to the top of a mountain, build a mud house, and live there. We will be self-sufficient and not abandon this culture ever again. We will return to our culture, our way of life, so that we can easily put the years we had to leave Afrin behind us.

The geography of Kurdistan is among the regions where policies of ecocide are implemented most intensely. Water is used both as a tool of demographic transformation and as a security instrument; militarily restricted zones are opened to mining projects; highlands that have been used for animal husbandry for thousands of years are turned into solar power plant sites; ancient cities such as Hasankeyf and Zeugma are submerged under dam waters, among many other practices.

Announcing its establishment at a workshop held in 2024 in the German city of Freiburg with the participation of dozens of ecology activists, the Europe–Kurdistan Ecology Movement (TEV-EKO) aims to expose policies and practices of ecocide in Kurdistan to the public through the perspective of an ecological society, to build organization at the local level, and to develop international cooperation in the field of ecology.

TEV-EKO Co-Spokesperson Fatoş Göksungur spoke to ANF about the movement’s founding objectives, its goals, the visibility of ecocide policies in Kurdistan, and its priorities for the period ahead.

Could you summarize TEV-EKO’s founding objectives and its main areas of work so far? What distinguishes TEV-EKO’s approach to the ecological struggle?

To understand TEV-EKO, it is first necessary to ask why it emerged. Our main point of departure was the paradigm reshaped by Abdullah Öcalan through the system of democratic confederalism. Within this framework, democratic modernity is constructed as a way of life resting on three fundamental pillars: an ecological society, a democratic society, and a women’s freedom, based society. One of these three pillars is the ecological dimension.

When viewed holistically, it becomes clear that none of these can exist without the others. A democratic society is only possible if there is an ecological society; likewise, a truly democratic society cannot exist without a women’s freedom, based social structure. It is evident that one cannot be sustained without the other.

From around 2005 onward, as organizing efforts developed on the basis of this new paradigm, the weakness of organization in the ecological field became increasingly visible. Despite the fact that the dirty war waged by the state against Kurdish society in Kurdistan has included ecocide as one of its dimensions, the focus largely remained on questions of status and politics. As a result, policies of ecocide did not receive the attention they deserved.

In Europe, there was an additional distance created by being physically removed from Kurdistan. Here, too, the issue of status was approached mainly through an administrative and political lens or, to put it differently, through a discourse of political status detached from the ecosystem itself. Because of these inadequate approaches within our organizational framework, the need for organizing in the field of ecology began to impose itself more forcefully.

In 2023, at the Congress of the Kurdistan Democratic Communities in Europe (KCDK-E), a decision was taken to establish a committee focused on ecology, and we assumed responsibility for this work. In a sense, this was also a form of self-criticism for not having sufficiently foregrounded ecology during the period in which we served as co-chairs. From July 2023 onward, we began ecological organizing in Europe at the committee level. The committee initially started with five people and gradually expanded through discussions with others. From the outset, we emphasized that what distinguishes us from other ecological movements is the need to organize specifically within the field of social ecology. In line with this perspective, we began forming committees in various countries up until December 2024.

Finally, at a workshop we organized in December 2024, with the participation of activists from all organized fields within KCDK-E in Europe, we officially announced the establishment of TEV-EKO.

What are the most visible examples of the long-standing ecological destruction in Kurdistan? How does this devastation affect the daily life and cultural continuity of the Kurdish people?

Abdullah Öcalan has defined ecological struggle as something that “must be the most radical form of struggle.” This assessment is crucial when viewed against the backdrop of the state’s war policies. Over the past fifty years in Kurdistan, thousands of villages have been forcibly evacuated and millions of Kurds have been displaced. This has meant not only forced migration, but also the severing of the Kurdish people’s bond with their land. The burning of forests signifies both the destruction of Kurdistan’s nature, and the eradication of its endemic plant diversity.

Beyond this, there are also policies of ecocide carried out under military and security justifications. The mountains of Kurdistan are bombed, and Kurdish villagers are displaced, forced to migrate both to metropolitan centers in Turkey and to Europe. In other words, under the pretext of war, a comprehensive ecocide policy is being implemented that targets Kurdistan’s air, water, soil, nature, forests, and all living beings inhabiting these lands.

At the same time, areas closed to civilians under the labels of “special security zones” or “military restricted zones” are being transformed by the state into mining sites, hydroelectric power plant projects, and dam construction areas. While policies aimed at altering the demographic structure of Kurdistan are pursued on one hand, an integrated ecocide strategy is implemented on the other through dams and mining operations.

One of the most striking examples of this today can be seen in the mining sites in Şırnak (Şirnex). The near-total plundering of the natural environment in Dersim, and perhaps even more visibly and before the eyes of the world, the uprooting and transfer of thousands-year-old olive trees in Afrin (Efrin), stand as stark examples. Quite literally, the olive trees of Afrin have been stolen. The olive tree is significant both as a source of livelihood and as a symbol of harmony with nature.

In addition, dam policies imposed across Kurdistan are highly conspicuous. One of the most fundamental strategies pursued today is the use of water as both a security tool and a weapon. The Tigris (Dicle) and Euphrates (Fırat) rivers are two major waterways with the capacity to sustain Mesopotamia and perhaps much of the Middle East. Yet due to regional war policies, water is used as a weapon against Rojava, while in Northern Kurdistan (Bakur), dams are used to redirect water flows, submerging numerous historic cities.

The flooding of Hasankeyf, Samsat, Zeugma, Urfa (Riha), Halfeti, and surrounding villages represents some of the clearest examples of the ecocide policies and practices imposed on Kurdistan.

When issues such as forest fires, dam projects, and the mining activities you mentioned come to the fore, how does TEV-EKO build solidarity mechanisms and monitor these processes?

When we established and announced TEV-EKO in Europe, we defined our work around four main principles.

First, we aimed to promote social ecology consciousness as a way of life and understanding within assemblies and administrative structures in all areas where we are organized, and among all people from Kurdistan living in Europe.

Second, we set out to bring policies of ecocide in Kurdistan onto the agenda in Europe as well, and to carry out struggle around this issue.

Third, we are facing a global ecological crisis today. The planet we live on is being subjected entirely to the exploitation and plunder of capitalist modernity, to the point where even people’s daily lives are being poisoned. In this sense, building common ground and cooperation with ecological movements operating at the global level is one of our priority objectives.

The fourth principle and the most comprehensive and decisive one, is our effort to share Abdullah Öcalan’s paradigm of an ecological society with ecological movements worldwide, while also transforming this paradigm into a field of struggle and consciousness within our own organizational structure.

On this basis, an organizational framework was formed and continues to develop. Over our two years of organizing, have we been able to create sufficient sensitivity toward ecocide policies in Kurdistan? We are still far from where we need to be. But we are an ecology movement that acts with this awareness and bases its organizing efforts on building consciousness around it.

We emphasize this awareness particularly in the public meetings we hold and wherever we go, especially when responding to the question of why we organized TEV-EKO in the first place. One of the fundamental reasons is to bring ecocide policies, not only in Northern Kurdistan, but across all four parts of Kurdistan and the ecological destruction caused by capitalist modernity to the agenda, to explain them to our own society, and to work toward building this collective awareness.

TEV-EKO also carries out a number of digital campaigns. In your view, what kinds of strategies are needed to make ecocide in Kurdistan visible at the international level?

The ecological struggle will increasingly be carried out through campaigns in the period ahead. At present, one of the most urgent issues in Kurdistan is the embargo imposed on Rojava, and this has still not been lifted. Rojava is known as a major grain-producing region, a place where seeds are sown extensively, the land is cultivated intensively, and wheat production is at its highest levels. It is also one of the most important centers in terms of soil fertility across Kurdistan. Yet today, water is being used as a weapon against Rojava, and a food embargo is simultaneously being imposed.

At the same time, with the Peace and Democratic Society process now underway, our hope for the coming year is that ecological problems will be addressed through a social ecology perspective. This means dismantling an approach that treats water, food, seeds, trees, olives, and the nature of Kurdistan as hostages and instruments of war, and instead building an ecological way of life on a more democratic foundation, one shaped by society itself and rooted in its own needs.

Some months ago we had the opportunity to meet and talk with the friends of the “Zenobia Women’s Gathering”. We talked about their struggles, how women become strong and the meaning of organizing as women in unity in women’s communes. We want the voices of the women of Zenobia to continually be part in our common struggle, especially as they are being silenced right now. We want their will and struggles to be known and heard, as there values and goals are being heavily attacked. We stand with the women, that are being murdered and attacked right now, and by making their words known, we want to articulate that our common struggle continues, as long as all women in the world are not stopped anymore from growing and can overcome the walls that condemns them from living their truth. Zenobia was founded in 2021 and named after the warrior queen of the Palmyra Empire, Zenobia. In Manbij, Tabqa, Deir ez-Zor and Raqqa women’s centers were built up and started their work to solve all social problems that are imprisoning women, such as domestic violence, underage marriage, polygamy, murder, divorce and inheritance. Arab, Circassian, Turkmen and Kurdish women organized together and built unity through their struggle against the mentality of male domination. The years of ISIS occupation left deep traces in the geography of this land, and in the mentality of society. Facing them as women means that the struggle for freedom includes many battles. In order to oppose the rules and traditions, the first step is to strengthen one’s will and to get to know oneself, which brings the taste freedom to women.

Interview taken on the 20th November 2025 in Raqqa. It is a translated version from Arabic into English.

What are you working for in Zenobia?

Noora: We are working here in Zenobia to improve [the situation of] women and to empower women in all the fields of life – in politics, economics – in every way. We are working to break the barriers inside, for every woman to know her truth and to make sure that she can be strong to take her gains. These days women are suffering from old traditions. From a lot of things. First of all, the violence, like sexual and physical. Also, women are forced to adopt thoughts that they don’t want, but that she must adopt these thoughts, because the men authority is forcing her to. Here, it is our job: to make every woman stronger, to be successful, stronger, so that she can have a better life than before. That’s it.

In what ways can women become stronger?

Noora: There are many ways. First of all, we visit women in their homes and give lectures to raise their consciousness about what they want and the rights they have. Every women needs to ask for her rights. You have the right to live. You have the right to learn. You have the right to do a lot of things. But in the right way. So we are making women conscious, so they know what they want for the future and so they can break the barriers inside their own hearts. You know, many women are afraid to ask for their rights because of the society. So, we are making them stronger. So, they can ask for their rights.

Leila: I want to add some more things we do to make women more conscious. First of all, the visits.We [also] have a project for giving lectures in Academies. We have Academies for women with a lot of programs. Some of them are closed. Closed means women come to the academy and stay there for one or two month, but without going home. And some of the programs are opened. That means that the program begins at 9.00 in the morning and goes until 3.00 in the afternoon. We do this because many women can’t [join the closed programs], because of their families and circumstances. Many families would never let their daughters go and sleep outside of their home. We want all women to be able to come to the Academy and take part in the lectures, to get to know themselves more, to be empowered and strengthened and to improve their social life and to improve their strength. All of this, from the academies and the lectures.

Can you tell about the changes in the women’s personality from the beginning to the end of the academies?

Noora: When coming to the Academy many women have a lot of difficulties. As we said before – the society, her brother, her father, men authority makes life hard for them. Women can not study, can not learn – but when they come to the academies, it is like entering a new world. She becomes stronger and it is like a shining on the women’s life, as she was living in darkness all of these years. In the academies, we support the women to get to know herself, her real self. That means they discover things in themselves they didn’t know they had, like abilities, preferences, hobbies. After the academy the women are more talented, more strong, more powerful and more confident in themselves. […] We keep supporting the women even after the academy. Because a lot of women are not confident in themselves, they cannot face the oppression on them. But when they are more strong [this changes]. And it’s a great thing that, these days, we find a lot of women going through the academies, they become teachers, they become leaders, like our friends here, we became leaders. [for the works of Zenobia.] So it’s like this for now, but we want to be able to make and give more. Not only for women here, but in all of Syria and all over the world.

How do the women come together and support each other in becoming stronger in your academies?

Noora: It’s about the spirit of friendship. All the women, when they come together as different personalities and from different environments, they become friends. They gain from each other with the touch between them. Even the teachers interact with each other as friends. As friends we do everything together and support each other in every way. It’s also possible to gain from each other’s personalities, like someone is very quiet and someone else very hard and often angry. By time, this angry person becomes more calm and the quiet person becomes more confident. They gain from each other. At the end of the academies the women cry when they separate from each other. They found each other in a group among friends, like families. They keep in touch with each other because they feel that they have a family, that they have support. They have someone that makes them more strong and more powerful. That’s it, the friendship spirit is the most important.

To continue this spirit of friendship: The system of self-governing in North-/East Syria is based on communes, as the smallest entities for society. When you hear the words “women’s commune”, what comes to your minds first?

Asma: Our system of communes has two parts: a general one and an autonomous one, for women only. The communes connect all the councils and committees. As women, we are the only ones that can understand other women. That’s why [it is important] to have autonomous communes for women only. The job [of the women’s commune] becomes protecting women. That means to know every woman in the neighborhood and ask for her circumstances, to know if she is under violence or anything that is hurting her. And to let her know that she can give her voice to the commune and councils and be heard. We have autonomous self-defense committees and health communes. [These topics are also connected:] Self defense is to protect women’s health. We are working on this project these days. We hope in the future [this system of communes] will be more in all of our community. We hope that even in all of Syria, there will be communes for women, specifically for women, to improve women’s life all around Syria. Because women in Syria are under a lot of violence, a lot of exclusion from politics in every way. They are excluding women from politics, from working, from economics, from everything. Women do not take part and are suffering. We hope that we can reach all those women and support them by building communes. We hope by the beginning of the year, in 2026, to start a [phase of strengthening and empowering the communes]. It will need some time, but we are working on it. Communes for women are so important. […] A lot of women are living in villages. The job of the women’s commune is to also reach those women.

What are the biggest challenges with building up these women’s communes?

Leila: The biggest challenge is the traditional culture of this area and above this, after ISIS came – it’s mentality, which is spread among men. Men can’t accept that women form a commune or can become powerful. Or that women can do a man’s job – it’s not accepted for them. So it’s hard, we need to change men’s minds, to convince them that women can be in these positions of power. This is the biggest challenge and we can’t say it’s easy. But we can [change], always. Even after ISIS and all of this mentality – and it’s such a hard mentality – we can [change]. We are working hard for this. We hope that we can change. Also the women’s mind are touched by this. These thoughts of ISIS are so horrible, so we hope to change.

How do women overcome/address the mentality built up by ISIS?

Leila: It’s one of the biggest challenges. But as we said before, about the difference in women before and after an academy. When women are more powerful and more confident with their thoughts and themselves, they will not fear anything, even not the mentality of ISIS. Most of them [the women after the Zenobia academies] are now in positions of power, in institutes, on committees, positions of power, powerful positions and political positions. They start as a communal person, as women in the communes. And they can get women, they will get any woman, because they are not fearing anymore. Her thoughts change. This fear is always and was always inside the woman, not outside of her. You know, women are the enemy of themselves, because they don’t know what they want and don’t know their rights. Or if she got rights, or if she can do anything. She didn’t know all of this. She was like, living in the darkness for all of these years. [After the academies] she knows now that she’s powerful. She knows her rights, she know her gains, and she can protect even her gains. She got [this] from knowledge, from strength. She can protect herself and her gains. That’s what she does now. And then she tries to spread throughout all of the women to try to make more women like her. After becoming knowledgeable and strong, a woman begins to compare between her life and the mentality of ISIS. They will find the difference and reflect how she can actually live when there are rights. That brings woman to take a decision, to be strong and support more women to get rid of these thoughts and mentalities of ISIS that still live on. That’s why we as Zenobia even work with the women in ISIS camps to change women’s mentalities, to help them to get to know themselves and to compare their lives before and now. What the mentality of ISIS gives to women and how democratic thoughts give them their rights, their gains. In the mentality of ISIS, women don’t have a personality and are nothing for real. This mentality, becomes real when it is implemented. To change this is a difficult task. […] You can’t wait for someone to set you free. You must set yourself free.

What role are women playing in building up Raqqa today?

Leila: These days more and more women here in Raqqa work in a lot of positions. Women are building up Raqqa again – cleaning up Raqqa from what happened, after ISIS. One of our mayors, Leyla Mustefa, was the representative of the council of Raqqa. She was one of the nine mayors in the world – cleaning up Raqqa from what happened, after ISIS. You know the destroyed buildings and all of this. In every institute there is an office for women now, especially for women, to protect them within work. Women here are the biggest part that helps to build Raqqa, so it becomes more beautiful every day. These days, Raqqa became such a beautiful city. It wasn’t like this before because, you know, it was 90% destroyed. That’s the role of woman. Women worked a lot here. More than men. They worked a lot. That’s what they do here.

You talked about the women in the villages. How do you see the relationship between women and nature?

Leila: There’s something common between women and nature. Women were working on the fields, we’re daughters of nature. Women are making everything for themselves. You know, there were always more women working on the fields than men. So that’s why nature is so mixed with the women’s mentality. […] Women’s roots are between fields and trees. Every woman has roots like a tree, and they are strong roots. But we hope they become stronger and stronger with time. Women who live in the villages are stronger. That’s why you find a lot of differences between women in villages and women in cities, because of their relationship with nature. It makes them stronger. You see their bodies, their hair, their skin. Everything is different. Even their minds are. So they have strong personalities because of the nature and clean air. They don’t eat something like food in cans. Her mind is cleaner because of the nature, because of the clean air. In the cities we all are living a fast life, everything is fast. They are on the fields with the calves and everything – they do everything that men do, not like in the city. Here, the authority of men is stronger, you know, because they think women can’t be powerful. They think women are not strong. If they want a lawyer, they don’t want a woman as a lawyer. They want a man. She can’t defend me because she’s a woman… But, you know, a lot of successful lawyers were women.

Earlier you spoke about self-defense. What does this involve? I mean, I guess I would say I can’t defend myself just by myself, I need a commune. I myself am also on a big search, because I realized I’ve had very little self-defense throughout my life. This is one reason why I wanted to come to this revolution here in Syria.

Leila: For self-defense, first of all, women must know their rights. You as a woman, you should know your rights and break the barriers inside your heart. Do not be afraid. Don’t be afraid to know. Women are afraid to ask for their rights and this fear kills their voice. We need to set them free from the barriers inside of themselves. These are not walls within the society or like walls in a room. It’s inside the woman. So we need to help women to break the barriers inside of her heart, to know how to get out of there. Then, she must refuse to be under violence, to say no. Women think that they can’t say no. The first thing is, you can say no. Maybe it’s not easy always, but it’s easy when you know that you have to be strong and you know what you want. So first of all, you can say no. You can say no. Then we said, do not be afraid. In our academies there are lessons about self-defense. It’s necessary to learn both physically and mentally, because some of the violence is not by hands, but by words or thoughts. Forcing your own thoughts on someone is violence. Forcing a woman to stay at home, to not leave the house – it’s violence. Then there is also sexual violence. So as I said, at first you have to decide to say no, to not accept this anymore.

Earlier, you said that it’s, not just important to support women here, but in the whole of Syria and the whole world. Why is it important for you to support a woman on the other side of the world?

Asma: Well, because they are also women. We are women for each other. If she is in Darfur, in Africa, in Pakistan. You know, also in Pakistan, women are being sold. They are selling girls underage, to be a slave, to make a woman from her childhood as a slave. In Iran women are also suffering from Islamic thoughts. We are not looking from only our point-of-view in Rojava or Syria. We are looking for all woman in the world. Everywhere women are suffering, even in Europe. As a women’s gathering, we can be the biggest gathering in the world by joining all of the women in all of the world. And we are seeking that. Here, there are women in the military, as warriors. And, you know, women can be warriors all around the world. Women should not just be slaves for the authorities.

I also have a question regarding the women’s communality: How do you manage to bring women from different religions, ethnicity and cultures together?

Leila and Noora: You asked how the relationships are, how we gather all the women – Assyrian, Syriac, Arabic. They are all gathering because of the mentality. We, as women, all have the same goal. We are as women. We are not looking at you as, “you are Kurdish” or Arabic or whatever. […] Its the spirit of friendship, as I said before. We are working as a team, not as individuals, because we have the same goals, the same mentality. That’s what brings us together. It’s easy to understand each other, because we share a mentality. Also between us and you, we have the same goals, the same thoughts about women. We all want to struggle for women, that’s why. We don’t deal with it like, you know… We deal with you as a woman first and a human second. You are a woman and human. We don’t look for your race or your religion, or anything else. The point where we’re all together is that we are all women and want to struggle for women. You are from Britain, from Germany, and we come together as women for women.

Can the unity between women help to overcome separations in the whole of society like this?

Asma: That’s true, that’s true. We did not have a lot of separations before ISIS came and brought its mentality. I always drink my coffee in the morning with my neighbor. I don’t think about the fact that she’s Kurdish and I am Arabic. She comes to my home, I visit her, and we go out together. Before ISIS, kids were playing together, it was a normal life. ISIS raised these thoughts on people’s minds: “This is not Muslim. This is Muslim. This is Kurdish. This is Arabic.” Before ISIS there were not those thoughts. And now, with the Autonomous-Administration – we exclude all of these thoughts. We destroy all of these mentalities. We are all here, we are all humans, we have the same rights, we are all equal. You have rights as a human, first of all. Then as a woman, you have the right to be strong, the right to learn, the right to work, the right to say no and to say your opinion. They think that we are washing [women’s] hands, their minds somehow. It’s the opposite. They are washing their minds and making women think that her place is only in the kitchen. You can’t do all of this. That’s it. That’s a challenge for all the woman’s not only in Syria, but all over the world.

We dig deep, through the layers of millennia. We discuss the origin of life, we attempt to penetrate to a core that has survived the ages. We plant seeds in the ground that we nurture in cycles spanning many years, in the hope that people will one day live in the shade of these trees.

A button is pressed and within seconds a bomb explodes. In Syria, the ground is currently being buried on a massive scale. In Aleppo, entire neighborhoods were turned into landscapes of ruins within days. We work deeply and slowly; the enemy destroys superficially and quickly.

A few months ago, we were on a delegation trip to the self-administered regions of North and East Syria. Three weeks during which a whole world of experiences and encounters opened up. Today I read about the large-scale offensive by Islamist militias that, under the umbrella of the Syrian transitional government and with international backing, are heading toward Tabqa and Raqqa. Tabqa and Raqqa are two places that we also visited.

We spoke with women in the camp in Tabqa who had already been displaced twice. From Afrin, when the Turkish occupying state attacked their homeland, and then from Shehba, where they had remained in the hope of one day returning to Afrin from there. At the end of last year, they were displaced again from Shehba by the “gangs.” They call these groups “gangs,” by which they mean the SNA, HTS, Al-Nusra, and IS. The defense forces established a flight corridor for them. During their flight, they were insulted by the Islamists, saw severed heads, and received death threats. In the camp in Tabqa, we are invited by different families into their tents. The youngest here is three months old and the oldest woman has lived to see her 101st birthday. It shows me how strong this community must be for this elderly woman to have been able to flee. Between the tents, we meet a woman and a conversation develops between us about love and motherhood. She says: “This revolution is a revolution of love.” She says we must learn what love is and how we can open our hearts to all people. Like a mother who “loves unconditionally.” She says that this century will either become the century of women’s revolution or new fundamentalist-patriarchal values will take hold.

As I write these lines, I read that the “gangs” are standing before Tabqa. When I think of these people we met in Tabqa, I feel a deep knot building in my chest and a pain in my heart.

The women we met told us about the revolution that they have to fight for anew every day just to be allowed to be political at all. To be allowed to live independently from men at all. An Arab woman who is organized in Jineolojî in Tabqa told us that she was always looked down upon by everyone. Her family evaluated her work at Jineolojî as a waste of time. She was called lazy and good-for-nothing. Then Abdullah Öcalan wrote a letter from prison to the Jineolojî Academy. Suddenly the perspective changed. Her family realized that she was doing important work, if even Öcalan was addressing a letter to them. Since then, her husband always says when he sees her watching the news: ‘Oh, Jineolojî is watching the news.’ He knows that she is educating herself politically, that she is organized. That she has built up a political consciousness. This gives her power. This has triggered a small revolution in her, her family, and her marriage. Everyone knows that she is politically aware. That she is doing important work.

We talk about whether the philosophy of the Kurdish freedom movement contradicts the Quran. She shakes her head: “Religion has been instrumentalized.” A patriarchal understanding of honor allows men to murder, whether under Assad or under Islamist rule; they remained unpunished for it. One of the battles that women are fighting is to recognize these murders as such. The revolution has given them the political and legal framework to defend themselves against honor killings. But the work within families, with fathers, husbands, and brothers is a permanent revolution that women have been continuing for years. I will never forget the love and strength that lay in these conversations. While we spoke, as they patiently answered our questions, a child was passed from arm to arm around the table.

The movement changes people’s living situations. The women meet regularly, discuss and talk about the political situation. They speak with other women, organize them, give them hope. Hope for a different life. Hope for a liberated life. What will happen to them when IS militias stand at their door?

When we were in Raqqa, the women were more heavily veiled than in other areas of the self-administration. Our companion knew that the fear of IS is very great here. Raqqa was chosen by IS as the capital of the so-called caliphate. The fear of IS’s return makes it difficult to organize people. Hardly any woman goes outside here without a veil because they fear that if the Islamists seize power again, they will be murdered for it. It takes years before a woman can regain enough trust to raise her voice again. The IS gangs’ plan to take Raqqa aims to extinguish once more the sparks of hope that have been produced through painstaking work.

I think of Z., who lives in Tabqa. When we stood at her front door, she greeted us with a tearful face. We had arrived late; she had thought something had happened to us. We slept two nights in her apartment. Every day she brought us ice cream in the evening. She is a very self-confident woman. She ran away, left her husband behind, and joined the Kurdish freedom movement. “I am free now, it was the best decision I could make.” In Tabqa, we are accompanied by another woman. I immediately felt a strong connection to her. She was still young, mid to late twenties. Her hair was so long that it touched the backs of her knees. When driving, she often turned the music up very loud, singing along and looking at us with laughter. She always drove the car. To liberate Raqqa from IS, she fought in alliance with American soldiers. “The men always looked down on me. They thought they could do more, just because they are men. Not like with our forces. YPJ is much better.”

Once I woke up early in the morning and wanted to set the table ahead of time while the others were still sleeping. She was faster than me and was already standing next to the fully set table. She smiled at me and said: “So you can sleep longer.” We sat down together and tried to have a conversation through Google Translate. The background on her phone was the picture of a man. “Your boyfriend?” I asked. She said: “Yes, my husband. I had to get married. But life with my comerades was much better.” “Why don’t you go back and separate from your husband?” I ask. “It’s complicated. Family… We’ll see. You better stay with your comerades!” she says with a soft gaze.

As we leave Raqqa and Tabqa, we go without being able to say goodbye to her. But S. tells us that she didn’t want to say goodbye because she is sure that we will see each other again. These are only small stories, but through them I carry Tabqa, Raqqa, the struggle and resistance of women in Syria in my heart. When I was there, every detail showed me what a great revolution the women there carry out anew every day by organizing themselves, building their own will, and defending themselves against attacks from all sides. The Kurdish freedom movement and the philosophy of Abdullah Öcalan have given them the strength that made all of this possible. A renewed invasion of Islamist forces into the region means for them displacement again, or imprisonment within the walls of the home, rape and murder.

My breath is shallow these days. The air doesn’t reach my belly. Constantly that short sound, my phone notifying me, again with new images, a new message about the attacks against the autonomous self-administration. So many years of struggle lie behind us—and so many ahead of us. We must be able to breathe. To breathe in all that has been achieved in struggles before us and that allows us to live.

I find a moment of clarity and calm when, between the messages on my phone, the image of a young woman appears. Şehîd Deniz Çiya was a commander of the resistance in Aleppo and a woman who fought to her last bullet for the defense of her people. Her last words were: “Those who cannot face death when necessary cannot become the breath of a free life.”

The river of this revolution is composed of millions of small drops, of encounters, conversations and moments, women who organize themselves in refugee camps, women who discuss freedom, women who save their last hand grenade to avoid falling into the hands of the enemy. Women who come together to build—and who choose hope in the face of destruction. Hundreds of revolutions every day, which in their totality will break even the hard stone of domination. In these days we are painfully reminded again: It will not be easy. But we will always continue to flow and never retreat.

The Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES) has established a new special unit to protect the environment. The Environmental Protection Forces were created by the Internal Security Forces (Asayish) in close coordination with the Regional Environmental Agency. The aim is to systematically protect nature and curb environmental crimes in the region.

The new structure was established in line with the decisions made at the annual meeting of the Environment Committee of North and East Syria on December 15. The official presentation of the new structure took place on Monday at the Environmental Agency building in the canton of Raqqa. Representatives of the new unit, delegates from regional environmental assemblies, and the co-chairs of the Environmental Agency attended the event.

In his speech, Ibrahim el-Esed, co-chair of the Environmental Agency, emphasized the importance of consistent environmental monitoring. He said that the past few years had left a significant mark on the environment in Syria as a whole, and in northern and eastern Syria in particular. The region faces a multitude of environmental challenges that require active action, he added.

Jasim al-Dhaif, a senior representative of the new unit, explained that the environmental protection forces are not only responsible for enforcing environmental regulations, but also take preventive and educational measures. The unit is being set up on the basis of clearly defined ecological criteria established by the Environmental Agency.

The new structure is to be present in all cities and cantons in northern and eastern Syria in the future. Its tasks include combating poaching, preventing illegal logging, and protecting soil, air, and water. Patrols and checks are to be carried out in cooperation with the Environmental Agency in protected areas, forests, and along rivers.

Al-Dhaif pointed out that the unit would be adequately staffed and would be strengthened and expanded from 2026 onwards through a strategic development program. A particular focus will also be placed on preparing for natural disasters. In future, the unit will also be able to respond to emergencies such as floods or forest fires around the clock.

With the establishment of Environmental Protection Forces, the Autonomous Administration aims to establish environmental protection as an integral part of social security. Cooperation with local institutions will help to ensure a healthy and sustainable environment throughout northern and eastern Syria in the long term.

Tell Tamr – Since the dawn of history, women have played pioneering and influential roles in communal societies, contributing strongly to collective life. They formed the vanguard of society and laid the foundations for its progress, leaving a lasting impact on the course of humanity.

Despite thirteen years of the Syrian crisis, the issue of women’s freedom remains a fundamental challenge. Societal democracy is closely linked to women’s freedom, making it essential to understand and correctly implement this principle, as it underpins the continuity and development of democratic experience.

Kongra Star and the Yazidi Women’s Gathering began establishing women’s communes across the regions of North and East Syria. This initiative aims to strengthen women’s roles and organize them within a community framework that reinforces values of participation and democracy.

Each women’s commune consists of 11 women, three of whom handle administrative tasks, with one serving as the co-chair of the general commune. Specialized committees are formed based on need, including the Economic Committee, Health Committee, Women’s Protection Committee, Cooperatives Committee, Justice Committee, Environment Committee, Golden Crescent Committee, and Finance Committee.

All resources of the women’s communes are dedicated to serving women, with 30% of the general commune’s budget allocated to the women’s association. Kongra Star and the Yazidi Women’s Gathering continuously monitor the work of these communes, and the communes report monthly on their activities and achievements.

Establishing Women’s Communes Began in Jabal Kizwan

In Tell Tamr, part of the Jazira region, Kongra Star initiated the establishment of women’s communes, beginning in Jabal Kizwan as the starting point of an organizational path aimed at strengthening women’s roles and expanding their participation in social life.

Jabal Kizwan was chosen because the area still faces challenges related to women’s freedom and the need to instill a correct understanding of democracy, alongside promoting equality between men and women. The region also continues to struggle against violence targeting women, making it a natural starting point for the creation of women’s communes.

To better analyze problems and develop suitable solutions, an independent women’s organization is required in each village and neighborhood, ensuring effective responses to challenges and enabling women to participate in decision-making.

Reviving the Commune System and Redefining Gender Roles

Nihad Shendi, an administrative official at Kongra Star, stated that the Rojava Revolution revived the commune system. Through the principle of co-chairing by women and men, a radical shift in societal mindset is being achieved:
“The co-chair system represents a new step in redefining the roles of women and men in contemporary society, after their roles were marginalized and excluded.”

Shendi emphasized that the communes have moved beyond traditional dependency and service roles. They are now structured so that each individual is responsible for their role within society. “In this way, the democratic system can evolve to grant everyone the right to expression and participation, enhance individual independence and freedom, and make them active members of a democratic nation.”

She stressed the importance of men and women jointly making decisions and determining solutions to community and family issues within the commune. “Decisions should not be made individually by one co-chair and imposed ineffectively on others,” she noted, emphasizing that women reject mindsets that marginalize or exclude their role.

After establishing general communes, the need for women’s communes became clear. These communes, alongside general ones and without discrimination among women or communities in the region, strengthen the struggle against various forms of dominance, tyranny, and occupation, and address attempts to fragment society.

Women in villages and neighborhoods face greater and more intense challenges, necessitating direct outreach and raising awareness about the importance of democratic family structures and protection. “Hence the need to establish women’s communes as an organized framework to ensure women’s active participation and enhance their role in confronting difficulties.”

Communes as a Fruit of the Women’s Revolution

Shendi confirmed that women’s communes provide women with a broader space to exercise their rights in education, health, economy, environment, and arts. “They enable a deeper understanding of justice principles and laws that guarantee their rights, contributing to legal awareness and strengthening their societal position.”

She added that the establishment of women’s communes represents a significant achievement of the women’s movement over fourteen years of struggle. “Although this step came late due to years of ISIS attacks and Turkish occupation, which continue today, the struggle continues with greater momentum through ongoing building and development efforts.

– Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh neighborhoods offered sanctuary to up to 200,000 Kurds, minorities and Arabs, primarily Internally Displaced People (IDPs)

– Neighborhoods faced over a decade of deadly assaults and economic embargo from Islamist opposition factions and Assad regime, policies continued by the new Syrian government

– New assault by the Syrian Transitional Government (STG) comes after repeated violations of 2025 ceasefire agreement aimed at protecting the neighborhoods

– Scores killed and injured and tens of thousands displaced as hospital targeted by STG

– STG assault imperils ongoing negotiations with Kurdish-led Autonomous Democratic Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES), raising spectre of renewed civil war

Introduction

Two Kurdish neighborhoods in Aleppo are facing an armed assault by the forces of the Syrian Transitional Government (STG) aimed at seizing control of the neighborhoods. The STG and Kurdish-led Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES) had reached a March 2025 ceasefire agreement covering the isolated Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh neighborhoods, but the subsequent nine months have been marked by escalating tensions culminating in the January 6 assault. 

These neighborhoods had maintained their autonomy from both the Assad government and Islamist opposition factions since the start of the Syrian Civil War, becoming a safe haven for those fleeing violence, persecution and violent repression elsewhere in Aleppo and Syria. However, they have faced ongoing economic, humanitarian and military pressure from both Assad’s forces and the new authorities in Damascus. In this explainer, Rojava Information Center (RIC) provides key information on these isolated neighborhoods, their humanitarian and political significance, the ongoing attacks they have endured over the past decade, and the grave threats they now face.

What and where are Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh?

With a population of only around 10,000 prior to the 2011 outbreak of the Syrian revolution, these Kurdish-majority neighborhoods within Syria’s diverse second-largest city Aleppo soon swelled. While majority-Kurdish, members of the region’s Christian minorities and Arab families displaced by the war have also found a safe haven in these neighborhoods. Different sources estimate the population in these neighborhoods between 100,000 and 200,000 people.  

“At first, the people who arrived had nothing, so an organization for helping the displaced people was built up. Many houses were empty because the Islamist militias had damaged them, or they had been burnt and looted. The organization found homes for those who did not have any money. Families moved into houses that had been abandoned but were still habitable and just needed to be repaired and refurbished. Organizations like the Kurdish Red Crescent also took care of the displaced and distributed blankets and clothes.” – Sheikh Maqsoud Council member.

What was the situation in Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh prior to Assad’s fall?

In 2011 Aleppo became one of the centres of the Syrian revolution and saw some of the heaviest fighting of the civil war. Strong local assemblies and communes resisted influence from ISIS and Jabbat al-Nusra. Armed resistance pushed out Assad from eastern Aleppo and the northern neighborhoods of Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh which fell under the protection of the Kurdish People’s Defense Forces (YPG). These neighborhoods were among the first Kurdish regions to rise up against the Assad government, and subsequently endured successive attacks, embargoes and sieges by both Islamist armed groups and pro-Assad forces.

In 2016, Amnesty International described indiscriminate shelling of Sheikh Maqsoud by Islamist groups including Ahrar al-Sham and Jaysh al-Islam as amounting to war crimes. The rights watchdog documented the death of at least 83 civilians, including 30 children, in attacks which Amnesty reported may have involved the use of chlorine, a banned chemical weapon.

By 2016 Assad had regained control over the whole city, with the sole exception of Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh, which have remained under the political administration of what is now the multi-ethnic Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES). By early 2017, a Turkish invasion targeting the Kurdish-led, multi-ethnic autonomous region had isolated Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh from the contiguous regions under the control of the DAANES. Since then the neighborhoods have governed themselves autonomously while retaining close political and humanitarian ties to the DAANES.

Electricity and water was allowed to enter the districts, while there was also coordination for education provision. This enabled the neighborhood administration to continue building a network of district-level communes and implementing its stated goals of women’s autonomy and ethnic minority participation, retaining political autonomy despite the close presence of hostile forces. 

Following Assad’s recapture of Aleppo, the Kurdish neighborhoods were at times placed under siege by the Assad government preventing the entry of fuel and other essential supplies to exert political pressure on DAANES. These measures led to critical fuel and medicine shortages and worsening humanitarian conditions in the neighborhoods.

What has happened in Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh since Assad’s fall?

On November 29, 2024, HTS and Turkish-backed Syrian National Army (SNA) groups entered Aleppo on the third day of the offensive that toppled the Assad government. Fighting between the former Turkish-backed SNA factions folded into the new Syrian military and the DAANES’ Syrian Defense Forces (SDF) in early 2025 led to two agreements:

The first, known as the March 10 agreement and signed between the SDF and the new Syrian Transitional Government (STG) led by Ahmed al-Sharaa, offered a roadmap for North and East Syria (NES) to integrate into the new Syrian political and military system by the end of 2025. However, negotiations have failed to progress. A second agreement was reached in early April, attempting to bring an end to clashes around the perimeter of the neighborhoods. The neighborhoods were broadly demilitarised, with SDF fighters withdrawing and taking heavy weaponry with them. As per the terms of the agreement, the DAANES’ Asayish (Internal Security Forces) remained to police the neighborhoods with light weapons.

What violence have Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh faced this year?

Despite Assad’s demise, the new Syrian authorities have continued a similar approach of exerting humanitarian and economic pressure on the neighborhoods as a political tool. Residents of Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh have faced intermittent embargos with access to electricity, water, fuel, food and free movement to and from the neighborhood cut off periodically since July when fuel access was cut off for 14 days. 

This approach escalated from late September onwards, when STG forces began constructing earth barriers at checkpoints into the neighborhoods. On October 6 all access to Sheikh Maqsoud was cut off leading to protests by residents and eventually fighting between the Asayish and STG forces, after the latter opened fire on protestors and attempted to enter the neighborhood. 

On December 22, fighting once again broke out between STG forces and Asayish. Hevin Suliman, Co-Chair of the Sheikh Maqsoud Council, told RIC at the time: “This did not come from nowhere. It is connected to the visit of the Turkish delegation to Damascus, led by Hakan Fidan. These factions, though officially under the Syrian Ministry of Defense (MoD), take direct orders from Turkey. The Turkish state has significant influence over Aleppo and controls these factions.”

Meanwhile, bouts of government-led violence against minorities elsewhere in Syria saw over 1500 members of the Alawite minority killed by the STG’s forces in March 2025, and over 1000 members of the Druze minority similarly killed in July 2025. These attacks underscored the risks faced by Kurds and other minorities living in the isolated neighborhoods, particularly following the SDF’s withdrawal as per the ceasefire agreement, with DAANES officials warning that similar violence against their own populations could follow.

What is the current situation in Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh?

In January 2026, the latest small-scale skirmishes between the STG and Asayish that have happened for several months beforehand were taken as the pretext for the STG to launch a full-scale assault aimed at seizing control of the neighborhoods. More broadly, the operation came after a sudden breakdown in talks aimed at implementing the March 10 agreement between SDF and the STG, again reportedly as a result of Turkish pressure demanding an end to the negotiations.

The inciting incident occurred on the Deir Hafer front on January 5, 50 kilometers (40 miles) from Aleppo. The STG alleged an SDF drone hit a military police vehicle which the SDF denied. On January 5, Sheikh Maqsoud Asayish reported drone attacks from government forces killed one civilian and injured two others, leading to a rapid escalation. 

Artillery bombardment rapidly escalated into a ground assault, and the neighborhoods are currently in their fifth day of siege and heavy fighting. Since then, Aleppo has seen heavy fighting on the ground as STG forces repeatedly attempted to enter the neighborhoods using tanks and armoured vehicles. Internationally sanctioned groups, formerly part of the Turkish-backed SNA, Hamzat, al-Amshat, Sultan Murad, and Nour al-Din al-Zenki – integrated into the new Syrian Army’s 76th, 62nd, 72nd, and 80th divisions – are reported to be involved in the attacks.

The government has repeatedly shelled or attacked the neighborhoods with drones, destroying or damaging over 300 homes and hitting the only operating hospital in Sheikh Maqsoud several times, leaving the Martyr Khaled Fajr hospital without power since January 8. 13 civilians have been killed and more than 64 are injured, numbers expected to rise significantly in the coming days as more casualties are reported.

Ashrafiyeh has seen particularly heavy fighting as STG forces have repeatedly entered the neighborhood and seized some territory. One person in Ashrafiyeh told RIC, “I was inside a house with some of my cousins when three armed men pointed their guns at us. They were speaking Turkish and took any money and valuables they could find. Many of the fighters who entered the Ashrafiyeh neighborhood were speaking Turkish.”

Each day, the STG forces have opened crossings to allow civilians to leave, and it is estimated that tens of thousands have fled. This includes Kurdish IDPs from Turkish-occupied Afrin who are attempting to return to the nearby region, despite the risks of returning to areas controlled by former SNA factions that have spent years committing violations against civilians with impunity. 

“We left because of the constant bombing and shelling, fearing for our children. We can’t judge whether it’s safe to return or not,” one source told RIC. “We have mixed feelings, between fear and disappointment. We are not returning to Afrin because it is safe, but rather to escape death and stay alive.”

Yesterday, ambulances from the Kurdish Red Crescent attempting to cross from DAANES-held territory to the neighborhoods to retrieve the wounded and bring them to DAANES hospitals have been denied access. The Kurdish Red Crescent have put out an urgent call asking for donations and humanitarian aid.

Meanwhile, preparations were made for a convoy of civilians to make their way towards Aleppo, mirroring the actions taken last year at Tishreen Dam. Today, a convoy of hundreds of cars from Kobani, Qamislo, Raqqa and cities across NES made their way to the Deir Hafer crossing in a bid to cross and reach Aleppo.

Conclusion: An End to Co-Existence?

At the time of writing, fighting continues in some areas of Sheikh Maqsoud. The STG has announced full control of the neighbourhoods, a claim strongly denied by the Asayish. The future is unclear for both the civilians who remain in Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh and those displaced from their homes by the military operation.

A continued ceasefire and gradual development of stronger intra-communal links with the rest of Aleppo could have offered a blueprint for safe, secure, practically-realisable integration between Syria’s two remaining power blocs in the DAANES and STG. But with the STG seemingly able to use force to seize control of the neighborhoods amid muted international reaction rather than a negotiated settlement, it is unclear how negotiations over NES’ integration are supposed to progress. Rather, the STG’s assault on Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh has pushed Syria a step further down the path toward a renewed civil war.

The urgent need for electrical energy increases with the onset of winter, at a time when the North and East Syria region is suffering from continuous targeting by the Turkish state of this vital sector. This includes repeated attacks on power generation stations and the continued withholding of Euphrates River water, leading to a near-total paralysis of dam power plants, which are considered the most important source of electricity in the region.

In this context, Imad Obeid, member of the General Administration of Dams in North and East Syria, explained that the Euphrates River is witnessing an unprecedented drop in water levels due to the decline in water inflows from the Turkish side. The water level of Lake Euphrates has fallen from 302 meters above sea level to less than 295 meters, meaning a loss of more than seven meters in the lake’s level.

He noted that the current water inflow of the Euphrates River from the Turkish side is 250 cubic meters per second, while the 1987 agreement signed between Syria, Iraq, and Turkey stipulates the release of 500 cubic meters per second, to be shared between Syria and Iraq at 42 percent and 58 percent respectively.

 However, Turkey is not adhering to this agreement and has reduced the amount by half since the beginning of 2025. This has led to the depletion of water resources between drinking water, agriculture, and evaporation, and to reliance on the strategic reserves of Lake Euphrates for electricity generation.

Dams Are the Main Sources

Obeid pointed out that this decline has negatively affected electricity generation at the Euphrates River dams—Tishreen Dam, Euphrates Dam, and Qadiran Dam (formerly al-Hurriya)—which form the backbone of electricity production in North and East Syria.

The maximum production capacity of Tishreen Dam is 630 megawatt-hours, but current production does not exceed 50 megawatt-hours due to reduced water inflows. The Euphrates Dam has a maximum capacity of 880 megawatt-hours, while its current production does not exceed 60 megawatt-hours because of the low lake level and limited inflows.

As for Qadiran Dam (formerly al-Hurriya), its maximum production capacity is 90 megawatt-hours, while current production does not exceed 15 megawatt-hours.

Obeid confirmed that the decline in electricity generation at the three dams is directly linked to reduced water inflows from the Turkish side. The Euphrates Dam contains eight turbines, Tishreen Dam six turbines, and Qadiran Dam three turbines. Under normal Euphrates River levels, total production reaches about 1,600 megawatt-hours, but it has now dropped to only 125 megawatt-hours due to the declining water level.

Lack of International Grid Connection

Obeid added that before the events in Syria, the dams were connected to an international electricity grid that included Syria, Egypt, Jordan, Turkey, and Lebanon. Currently, this connection is suspended, and only an internal link with the Syrian grid remains. These transmission lines are not ready due to damage sustained during years of war, depriving the region of the opportunity to be supplied with electricity and achieve grid stability.

He noted that dam generation units operate around the clock, and the produced electricity is distributed across various areas of the North and East Syria .

He pointed to an important technical issue, noting that the electricity generation units in the dams are of the vertical Kaplan turbine type. This requires a minimum water head of no less than 40 meters at the Euphrates Dam in order to generate electricity. The head is measured by the difference between the water level upstream and downstream of the dam. As for Tishreen Dam, its turbines require a minimum head of 5 meters, while Qadiran Dam requires 9 meters. Any drop below these levels leads to a halt in electricity production, even if water quantities are available.

Marginalization of Infrastructure

For his part, the Co-Chair of the Energy Authority in North and East Syria, Ziad Rustam, explained that power generation sources in the region were almost nonexistent, as the area had been strategically marginalized, particularly in the energy sector. Out of 14 thermal and gas power plants in Syria, there is only one thermal plant in the Jazira, located in al-Suweidiya, which at its best produced 125 megawatt-hours.

Rustam clarified that the sole plant in al-Suweidiya, due to its age, poor technical condition, and exposure to Turkish warplane strikes two years ago, has become a power plant in name only. Its current production does not exceed 10 megawatts, which is extremely small compared to the Jazira Canton’s needs, which exceed 600 megawatts—meaning it covers no more than 1–2 percent of demand.

He added that the second plant is the Jibsa plant, a small facility established by the Autonomous Democratic Administration in the Jazira region in 2019. It includes three gas turbines, each with a nominal capacity of 10 megawatts. However, actual capacity does not exceed 6 megawatts per turbine, with total production ranging between 12 and 15 megawatts at best. This amount is insufficient even to meet the essential needs for oil production or vital services such as drinking water, mills, hospitals, and healthcare facilities.

Consumption Levels and Possible Solutions

Rustam stated that total electricity generation in North and East Syria—from hydroelectric and gas plants—does not exceed 100 megawatts, while demand across this vast geography exceeds 1,300 megawatts. This means production covers only about 10 percent of actual needs.

He pointed out that current conditions, in addition to the long-standing blockade and the lack of political agreements or official recognition of the Autonomous Administration, have prevented the signing of official contracts with international companies to build new power plants or rehabilitate existing ones. This is compounded by financial and banking complications related to money transfers.

He also noted that ongoing daily Turkish threats discourage any company from investing, due to fears of shelling or systematic sabotage.

Rustam emphasized that energy authorities across the regions are currently focusing on preserving existing dams and gas plants, protecting transmission and generation stations, preventing further deterioration, and ensuring the minimum supply of electricity for vital needs such as drinking water, mills, healthcare facilities, and essential infrastructure that cannot be dispensed with.

Meters Help Ease the Crisis

Ziad Rustam also pointed out that among the measures taken is a project to install electronic electricity meters—prepaid or postpaid—to curb random consumption and rationalize the use of available electricity.

He explained that this project has been ongoing for three years, starting as a pilot in the town of al-Jarniyah, then expanding to cover 70–80 percent of the Tabqa Canton.

He added that it also includes the Euphrates canton in Kobani and its countryside at a rate of 50 percent, as well as areas in Raqqa and the Jazira at varying levels.

In the Jazira Canton, however, coverage does not exceed 10 percent and is limited to some connected villages and specific points in the city of Derik (al-Malikiyah), in addition to certain facilities and hospitals supplied through service lines in Qamishli and Hasaka.

He noted that such projects require further development, pointing out that work is underway to launch the project in Deir ez-Zor during the coming year. He stressed that development is ongoing, both in terms of the quality of meters and methods of billing and payment, as well as transitioning to electronic systems via smartphones.

Rustam pointed out that the fundamental solution lies in building new power generation plants, a matter that is linked to political, security, and economic understandings between North and East Syria and the central state in Damascus. If such consensus is achieved, the door could be opened to investors, and the import of turbines and spare parts could be secured without being targeted.

He noted that the region possesses the raw materials needed to produce energy, such as oil and gas. However, gas turbines are manufactured by a very limited number of global companies—no more than ten—requiring official political, security, and financial guarantees to engage with them.

Coordination Without Exchange

Rustam, also addressed the issue of coordination between the Energy Authority in North and East Syria and the Energy Authority of the Syrian transitional government. He explained that technical communication is ongoing, as the Syrian electricity grid is looped and interconnected. However, there is no exchange of electricity due to the lack of surplus on either side.

He added that the existing interconnection is limited to maintaining voltage stability and protecting internal networks, in addition to coordination to preserve stable water levels for drinking water and irrigation from the reservoirs of the Euphrates Dam and Tishreen Dam.

In Rojava, opening your eyes in the morning is never just waking up. It feels like searching for the traces that war and resistance have carved into the skin of this land, the breath left behind by sacrifice, the faint echo of a revolution that still moves through the air. I find myself looking for these marks almost without meaning to. That morning in Qamishlo, as soon as I pulled the curtains aside, the first thing that appeared before me was the quiet outline of religious buildings rising between walls worn down by war. Two church towers stood there, their crosses lifted into a pale and wounded sky. It is striking to see them in such a small town, a place that is not even a provincial centre, yet these two spires are the first shapes that claim the morning. I took a photograph and sent it to a Christian friend in Turkey. He found it just as moving and replied that one was Orthodox and the other Catholic.

In the early years of my youth, when our days were filled with socialist readings and revolutionary literature, we carried the assumption that socialists were meant to stand at a distance from religion. I still remember reading Sholokhov’s Harvest on the Don in high school. Almost every page described a world in which the spiritual life of peasants slowly faded as the Kolkhoz system expanded. We saw similar portrayals in stories from Cuba and Vietnam. Later, when we encountered critiques of real socialism, we realised something important had been missing. The famous line attributed to Marx, that religion is the opium of the people, had been torn from its full meaning. To correct our own misunderstanding, we had to return to what Marx actually wrote. There we found words that held much more compassion and depth. He wrote that religious suffering is both the expression of real suffering and a form of protest against it, that religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world and the soul of soulless conditions. Those words returned to me on that morning in Qamishlo as I stood before a landscape marked by war yet crowned by church towers. The image stirred something deep inside me and with that mix of sorrow and quiet recognition I stepped outside, carried by a feeling that the truth of the revolution was shining through everything around me.

Amûdê Cinema

The first stop on the festival programme is the commemoration of the Amûdê cinema massacre, a destination that feels less like a visit and more like stepping into a wound that has never truly closed. We set off toward Amûdê in half-filled buses and a few private cars, carrying with us the quiet weight of what we are about to face. The massacre in Amûdê is not only a dark chapter in the history of Kurdistan or Rojava; it stands as a black mark on the history of humanity itself. Neither Caligula, nor Hitler, nor Timur, nor any architect of cruelty known to history, conceived of something like this. In 1960, nearly 500 children were herded into a cinema. The doors were locked. A fire was set. And in that sealed room, according to different accounts, 250 or 257 children were burned alive. Standing in Amûdê on 13 November for the commemoration is heartbreaking, even unbearable, for the opening day of a film festival. Yet without touching this wound, it is impossible to understand what cinema means to the people of Rojava, what it summons in their memories and their collective imagination. To describe the scene in all its rawness would require a heart stronger than mine. The surviving mothers, the siblings, the relatives of those children, still alive, still bearing the fire in their eyes, are not sights every human spirit can withstand.

After the commemoration, we visit the construction site of a new cinema rising in Amûdê, built in their memory. It will also be called “Amûdê Cinema,” a promise that their names will not be lost to time or silence. And it is not only here: across Rojava, in towns large and small, cultural centres and cinema halls are being built to bring art into the daily life of the people.

Shared stories and free cinema

The opening of the festival is unlike any other I have seen. I have attended many film festivals across the world, including in several African countries and mostly in Europe, yet it is rare to witness an opening filled with such energy. The young performers whose musicals I had admired in Mehmud Berazî’s work lit up the stage with rhythm and a beautiful sense of movement. Their presence alone was almost impossible to capture in words. And so the Fifth Rojava Film Festival began under the slogan “Çîrokên Hevpar, Sînemaya Azad”, meaning “shared stories and free cinema”.

The idea of shared stories is not based on something simple, such as sitting together and writing scripts. It carries a deeper meaning shaped by people who come from different parts of the world, who have seen Rojava, lived in it, joined the resistance and given their collective labour and their lives to reach the truth. It carries the desire to produce the aesthetic of this resistance and of life in this place, and to share this artistic celebration with both Rojava and the world. This is how I understand the essence of that phrase, because the foundation of the cinema revolution in this region is filled with concrete creative work that proves this idea directly. The concept of “Free Cinema” reflects this as well. The global state of cinema is widely known. It is almost impossible today for a project born from a free mind to be realised without a producer. Cinema requires a heavy financial investment, and even finding the money is not enough. Every film produced must now be made for the international market, and to enter that system the project must follow a journey that satisfies global norms and expectations starting from the script stage. First you must join script development platforms. Then comes project development, often called pitching, where you meet international producers and festival professionals whose approval or appreciation you must gain. Ideally, you find co producers through international platforms and only then can the film reach the shooting stage. Under these conditions, being part of the film industry means allowing your originality and your freedom to be tested and approved by global gatekeepers. For this reason, the idea of bringing shared stories together with free cinema in Rojava is also a stance. It is a line of refusal and a revolutionary manifesto against the global crisis of cinema itself.

81 films, 22 scripts

The festival brings together 81 films and 22 scripts from different countries. Eight of these films compete in the international category. Another eight appear in the national category, and seven are presented as Syrian films. The festival also features 21 documentaries, along with a wide range of seminars, panels and workshops on cinematography, film analysis and other areas of creative practice. Over the course of eight days, we watch films from many parts of the world, but it is the documentaries that resonate most deeply. A significant number of them turn their gaze directly toward the Rojava Revolution.

The struggle between the old and the new

What I have been able to observe through this festival is that the Rojava Revolution was never only the result of military action or armed resistance. It was not limited to cleansing those lands of ISIS groups, nor was it simply the removal of an imperial and colonial past from a geography whose people have lived there since ancient times and earned their right to exist as naturally as a mother gives milk. The Rojava Revolution was also the founding covenant of a shared life, a call for religions and beliefs and traditions to sit together. It was the moment when a political revolution took on flesh and form with the participation of people from across the world. It was a revolution of art as well, because Rojava had become a crossroads for free thought and independent creation.

At the same time, the Rojava Revolution became the living proof of the conditions needed for a revolutionary cinema. It stands as a real-world example of the distinction Jean Luc Godard drew between making political films and making films through political methods. For him, making films through political methods means grasping class struggle and realising it within film itself. It is, in essence, the struggle between the old and the new. In Rojava, almost everything I saw and observed reflected this. The cinema commune, the way work and life were organised, the importance given to cinema, the sincere and at times almost childlike excitement in the effort to create a new cinema, the understanding of cinema as a form of creation and as a material shaped by revolutionary transformation, all of this showed that a powerful current was beginning to pump blood into an entire body. And by body I mean Rojava, the Middle East and, if one looks closely, perhaps the world itself. Godard’s two principles help make this clearer. Making political films means understanding the laws of the objective world in order to understand life. Making films through political methods means understanding those laws in order to transform the world. What the cinema revolution in Rojava revealed to me, and to participants who came from many parts of the world, was exactly this. It was both the philosophical effort to understand cinema in its social meaning and the effort to transform, carried into life through the camera, the light, the sound, the script, the teaching spaces and the platforms of discussion.

Aleppo – The Women’s Economy Committee in the neighborhoods of al-Ashrafiya and Sheikh Maqsoud in the city of Aleppo has expanded its economic projects and established service and productive initiatives to accelerate the effective integration of women into economic activity.

The negative impacts of the siege imposed on the neighborhoods of Sheikh Maqsoud and al-Ashrafiya by militants of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham are directly reflected on families. This siege, which has continued for nearly three months, has caused severe shortages of essential materials such as diesel fuel and flour, disrupting the operation of bakeries amid a deteriorating electricity situation.

Residents of both neighborhoods are deprived of their right to heating fuel despite extremely low temperatures, especially during the early morning hours. Children, women, the elderly, and the sick suffer from the severe cold, which increases the spread of illnesses amid declining health services due to shortages of medical supplies and treatments.

The Largest Share of Profits Goes to the Women Workers

Yasmin Najjar, a member of the Women’s Economy Committee in al-Ashrafiya and Sheikh Maqsoud, told our agency that their projects have been harmed by the imposed siege:
“Checkpoints of the interim government prevent the entry of commercial goods needed for the committee’s shops, in addition to the shortage of agricultural supplies, which damages the committee’s agricultural project and obstructs the normal course of life.”

The work of the committee, which aims to achieve economic self-sufficiency for women and support their ability to work, has been affected. The committee seeks to empower women so they can develop strong, independent personalities and play an active role and have a respected position and voice in society.

The working system, as explained, is based on valuing the efforts of women workers by allocating the largest share of project profits to them, while the committee takes only 25% of the profits.

Yasmin Najjar explained that all those managing the projects are women. From this standpoint, the committee strives to establish projects even if they are small, as what matters most is that women benefit and develop:
“Women are capable of managing the household and raising children, and they also possess strong management and organizational skills.”

With the onset of winter, students in al-Ashrafiya and Sheikh Maqsoud are suffering from severe cold and falling ill due to the lack of heating fuel in classrooms.

Therefore, the women of the two neighborhoods are raising their voices to express their rejection of the practices of the interim government against residents, calling for an end to this targeting.

Projects of the Women’s Economy Committee

Yasmin Najjar stated that the committee’s latest project involved planting a garlic crop, but due to the siege and the shortage of necessary agricultural supplies, the project failed.

Previously, the committee invested in an agricultural land project located in the al-Shaqeef area, managed by a woman and her husband, including irrigation, supplies, and all farming requirements, while the committee supervised the project. Additionally, the committee recently opened a small shop in al-Ashrafiya, managed by a mother of a child. However, after the siege was imposed by the interim government, the shop was severely affected, as the woman was unable to bring in goods, causing financial losses for both her and the committee.

At the end of her statement, Yasmin Najjar called for lifting the siege imposed on the two neighborhoods, stressing that the attacks and violations carried out by militants of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham primarily target the people’s achievements.

Zirgan (Abu Rasin)- Women have rebuilt their life in solidarity with each other in Zirgan, a village in the Jazira Canton of North and East Syria, revitalizing their neighborhoods and streets despite all the challenges.

In the village, old women are leaders of their society. Women sitting in front of houses share their experiences and discuss many issues such as economy, politics and the challenges faced by women due to the patriarchal mindset. Despite the ongoing Turkish attacks on their village, they are in solidarity with each other to empower each other.

The Turkish state and Turkish-backed factions launched their occupying attacks on Serêkaniyê (Ras al-Ayn) and Girê Spî (Tell Abyad) and Zirgan on October 9, 2019, displacing thousands of people. Süriya Aziz was one of the women displaced from Zirgan in 2019. She returned to the village to build her life again.

“I am very happy because the displaced people of our village have been returning,” said Süriya Aziz. “As women, we gather in front of a house to discuss the current situation in Syria. We benefit from the experiences of the elders. We also discuss the problems faced by women and how we can solve them.”

‘Women have changed the views of men and society’

Women used to be criticized when they gathered, Süriya Aziz stressed. “Now, women gather without being criticized. Women have changed the views of men and society.” Süriya Aziz thinks that the use of cell phones kills social life. “I always tell my children and my family members not to use cell phones when we come together. We must discuss issues that will benefit our society when we come together. It is important to have quality time for yourself and your family.”

Süriya Aziz also talked about the social life of those living in tall buildings. “Living in tall buildings isolates women and causes social alienation. No one sees each other or talks to each other. When I have a conversation with women, I feel happy.”

In Deir ez-Zor Governorate in eastern Syria—an area that witnessed some of the fiercest battles and widespread displacement—many women recount stories of resilience and the pursuit of stability.

Hasna al-Salem, a resident of Deir ez-Zor, told North Press that she lost her husband and one of her sons during the shelling. “I decided to flee with my remaining children to a safer area within the city,” she said. “The conditions were extremely difficult, and my greatest concern was protecting my children and meeting their basic needs despite the lack of resources.”

Over time, Hasna found work to be her pathway forward. “I began sewing clothes at home, which is my old profession. I launched a small project and, although I face daily challenges, my determination keeps me going.”

She added, “We do not want to remain victims. We want to be agents of change. Many women have become breadwinners or community activists. What we need is financial and moral support—and real empowerment in decision-making spaces.”

Azraa al-Ahmad, a young woman from Deir ez-Zor, shared her experience pursuing education and work amid the war. “I was fifteen when the crisis began, and I had to stop studying because of displacement and the destruction of schools. Later, I enrolled in educational courses, earned my basic education certificate, and continued my studies in nursing.”

“I now work in a local hospital and take part in training programs,” she said. “I believe rebuilding Syria is impossible without the participation of women. They are among the most committed to community recovery.”

Meanwhile, a woman who introduced herself as Umm Hussein, a member of the Women’s Committee of the Civil Administration in Deir ez-Zor—affiliated with the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES)—spoke about institutional efforts to support women in the post-war phase.

“In the committee, we develop programs aimed at empowering women across various fields and addressing the violations they faced during the conflict,” she said. “We confront major challenges, especially traditional attitudes toward women and the dire economic situation.”

She explained that the committee implements vocational and craft-training programs to strengthen women’s economic independence, while also enhancing their legal, psychological, and social awareness in cooperation with local and international organizations.

Despite the difficulties, these experiences highlight the central role women in Deir ez-Zor now play in community recovery. After years of devastating conflict, they are no longer passive recipients of suffering but active contributors to rebuilding their lives and supporting the social fabric.

As Hasna al-Salem concluded, “The war took so much from us, but we are still here, trying to build a new life from beneath the rubble.”

Deir ez-Zor Governorate, in eastern Syria, was among the areas most severely affected by the conflict, witnessing intense battles, the rise and fall of ISIS control, widespread destruction, and mass displacement. The prolonged instability left deep social and economic scars, with basic services, education, and livelihoods heavily disrupted.

Women, in particular, faced compounding challenges—loss of family members, displacement, restricted access to education and work, and exposure to various forms of violence and discrimination. Yet they have increasingly stepped into new roles, becoming heads of households, community organizers, and participants in local governance structures, including those affiliated with the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES).

Over recent years, humanitarian organizations and local bodies have launched programs aimed at economic empowerment, vocational training, psychosocial support, and legal awareness for women. These efforts seek to rebuild community resilience, promote gender equality, and strengthen women’s participation in decision-making following years of conflict.

Today, women in Deir ez-Zor represent a crucial force in the region’s recovery, demonstrating that post-war reconstruction is not only about rebuilding infrastructure but also about restoring social cohesion and empowering those who sustained the greatest burdens of violence.

Amed — Amid increasing challenges faced by women in urban spaces, the “Women’s Cities” project emerges as a strategic initiative aiming to reshape cities based on women’s needs and strengthen their presence in public life.

The “Towards Women’s Cities” conference, organized by the Municipality of Amed (Diyarbakır) on Saturday, November 8, addressed ways to transform cities into more inclusive spaces for women by discussing issues of urban governance, economy, public space, and collective memory.

The conference featured prominent figures, including the co-chair of the DBP party, representatives from the Free Women’s Movement, the Mothers of Peace Association, alongside civil society organizations and women from various fields.

“Women’s memory is a tool for peace, and male-dominated cities do not embrace everyone.”

Participating women discussed ways to enhance women’s freedom in urban spaces, raising fundamental questions: What does freedom mean for women in the city? What structural obstacles hinder their lives? They also explored spaces that can regain meaning through women’s memory and symbolic steps to achieve peace and societal reform by invoking women’s collective memory

The Co-Chair of Sur Municipality in Amed, Fatma Gulan Öngel, emphasized that the “Women’s Cities” project is a priority for their party, based on its political and social vision. She noted that the appointment of trustees over municipalities in 2016, 2019, and 2024 directly targeted women’s gains and the broader social culture. While municipalities had been paralyzed under state trusteeship, with the administration now transferred to the DEM Party, efforts resumed to build cities that consider women’s needs and empower them in public spaces.

She explained that cities built with a male-dominated mindset reflect a vision that marginalizes community specificities and lacks social justice. “Sur Municipality continues to monitor how cities accommodate all community groups, especially women, in free and inclusive spaces,” she said, adding, “These observations laid the foundation for our project, aiming to reshape cities based on women’s memory and needs, freeing them from male dominance in urban planning.”

Fatma Gulan Öngel highlighted that DEM-affiliated municipalities have intensified their efforts to be a voice for women and address their issues: “The co-chair system, based on equal representation, has extended its impact across multiple areas, and the ‘Women’s Cities’ project is one of its most prominent manifestations.” She added that the project aims to strengthen women’s presence as key actors in urban life and establish their role as central to change by building cities that respond to their needs and visibly highlight their presence in public spaces.

She stressed the importance of the “Peace and Democratic Society” initiative launched by Abdullah Öcalan on February 27, noting, “Success in this path requires a foundation of honesty and transparency.” She emphasized the need to remove trustees imposed on municipalities, legally recognize the co-chair system, and ensure equal access to resources, noting that a key condition for democratic construction is returning elected officials to their positions. She further pointed out that women in decision-making positions face systematic targeting, calling for an end to this practice and to attacks on women’s struggle in general.

Fatma Gulan Öngel clarified that the co-chair system faces direct attacks from trustees and represents the principle of “gender freedom”, aiming to end all forms of slavery affecting both men and women.

She affirmed that violence against women is inseparable from state violence, pointing out that this form of violence permeates all levels of life—from family to neighborhood to personal relationships. She noted that three women in the Sur area were threatened with murder on the evening of November 1 by several individuals who said, “We don’t want you in this neighborhood.” She added, “Although Sur is a historic city that embraced multiple civilizations and identities and was built on coexistence principles, what we witness today is a rise in social polarization and the return of rhetoric rejecting women’s presence in public spaces, whether in politics or on the streets, reflecting a deep societal crisis.”

Gulan Öngel concluded by affirming that local municipalities will not allow policies that marginalize women to continue, stressing the importance of direct communication with women and working to empower them. She noted that since 2015, many women were forced into isolation in their homes under a male-dominated mindset that sought to limit their spaces. “Through the ‘Women’s Cities’ project, we reaffirm our commitment to building a life in which women are active and essential, and we carry out this struggle for a more just and inclusive urban space.

Women are not alone, and solidarity is the way

On her part, the co-chair of Rîzan Municipality, Leyla Ayaz, emphasized that the “Women’s Cities” project holds great potential to bring about radical change in the structure of cities. She noted that the appointment of trustees was merely a step to marginalize women and leave them unprotected, leading to a noticeable increase in violence against them. DEM-affiliated municipalities aim through their programs to preserve women’s memory and history from being forgotten, stressing that addressing gender-based violence is a collective responsibility requiring the combined efforts of the entire community.

She highlighted that they will observe the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women by intensifying women’s struggle and strengthening solidarity among women: “We organize regular meetings in neighborhoods, meet with women, and assure them that they are not alone. Women’s centers and anti-violence networks in this city have proven that support is available and that women can face challenges together.”

She added, “As November 25 approaches, we send a clear message to every woman: ‘You are not alone.’ It is important to know the available mechanisms and not to ignore when another woman experiences violence. We are responsible for protecting each other and for noticing what is happening around us. I call on all women to be present in public spaces and contribute to raising women’s awareness, because change begins with participation.

The Democratic Autonomous Administration, through its specialized institutions, works to enhance agricultural support in the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria by implementing integrated projects for seeds, fuel, energy, and water, in addition to developing livestock resources and public bakeries to ensure production sustainability and food security.

In recent years, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria has witnessed broad administrative and economic transformations, the most prominent of which was the Executive Council’s decision in October 2024 to merge the Agriculture Directorate with the Economic Directorate. This decision came within the framework of strengthening administrative structures and unifying efforts between the two institutions whose work and areas of specialization closely intersect.

This merger represented an important step toward enhancing institutional performance and increasing the efficiency of planning and implementation across the region, given the strong interconnection between agricultural activity and the broader economic pathway, which relies heavily on plant and animal production and the services connected to them. The merger was not merely a formal administrative adjustment, but rather the outcome of extensive studies conducted by specialized committees that monitored the challenges facing both sectors, such as rising production costs, fragmented authority, duplication of administrative tasks, and disparities in resources between different cantons.

All of this prompted the relevant bodies to adopt a new institutional model that brings together agricultural and economic expertise under one umbrella, ensuring a stronger capacity to design comprehensive and integrated policies that cover agricultural production, economic planning, market oversight, and resource management.

In this context, the Co-Chair of the Agriculture Authority, Sabrin Al-Abdullah, affirmed that the 2024 merger of the Economy and Agriculture Authorities—implemented under the decision of the Executive Council—represented a pivotal turning point in the course of the Autonomous Administration. It was not merely a simple administrative adjustment, but rather a carefully planned strategic step aimed at rebuilding the administrative structure on new foundations that are more coherent, effective, and capable of achieving integration among the institutions and bodies operating across all cantons.

She explained that the merger was the result of extensive and in-depth discussions that lasted for several months, involving economic experts, agricultural engineers, and planning specialists. All participants concluded that unifying the efforts of the two authorities—whose mandates are closely related—was essential to creating a unified administrative framework capable of addressing the economic and agricultural challenges the region has faced in recent years. These challenges include declining resources, rising production costs, unstable climatic conditions, and the limited means available to farmers.

Enhancing the Unified Authority’s Capacity for Planning and Oversight

Sabrin Al-Abdullah stated that the merger paved the way for significant improvements in how annual plans are developed and how agricultural and economic projects are implemented. The unified authority now possesses a broader database, a more comprehensive understanding of the agricultural and economic landscape, and a more accurate ability to assess needs and identify priorities. The merger also reduced the time consumed by administrative procedures, minimized duplication of responsibilities, and improved response speed to the needs of residents and farmers across all cantons.

According to Abdullah, the Jazira Canton, being the region’s primary agricultural center, is “one of the biggest beneficiaries of this step. For the first time, integrated agricultural and economic plans were adopted, linking crop production with market growth, storage needs, and marketing requirements. This has increased harmony between administrations, enhanced efficiency in project follow-up, and strengthened communication channels between all agricultural and service centers.”

“Improving the Work Environment and Strengthening the Co-Chair System”

Regarding the co-chair system, she stated that it “has proven effective in fostering cooperation between men and women within the authority. Decision-making is now based on dialogue, partnership, and joint evaluation, which has positively impacted the work environment. Having qualified male and female staff within a unified authority has facilitated the exchange of expertise, improved mutual understanding, and increased the involvement of young professionals in decision-making positions. This new administrative approach has not only strengthened women’s presence in leadership roles but also enhanced coordination between administrative and technical departments, enabling more precise resource allocation and reinforcing principles of fairness and balance within the authority.”

Higher Levels of Coordination

Al-Abdullah also spoke about her previous experience supervising agricultural departments before the merger, emphasizing that this background helped strengthen the performance of the unified authority—particularly since agriculture is a broad and complex sector that includes crop production, livestock development, water resources, and service projects. She noted that one of her main goals after the merger was to organize the workflow within the authority, activate communication channels between offices, and integrate and train new staff to build a cohesive administrative system that operates as a single team. Improvements in irrigation management, agricultural oversight, price monitoring, and coordination of seasonal projects were among the most notable outcomes of the merger, as all data and indicators are now managed under a single authority, reducing task overlap and improving the speed and quality of implementation.

“Practical Measures to Support Farmers and Reduce Production Costs”

Regarding direct support to farmers, Al-Abdullah explained that “the Agriculture Authority has ensured the provision of sterilized, bagged, ready-to-plant seeds that meet precise scientific standards, offered at calculated prices of $350 in cash and $400 on credit per ton, to help farmers begin their planting season without bearing excessive costs.” She noted that this support followed economic studies aimed at determining prices that consider farmers’ circumstances while ensuring continuous availability of seeds in the market. She added that efforts are currently underway to expand support programs to include improved fertilizers, pesticides, and agricultural machinery through specialized service centers, in addition to developing training plans to introduce farmers to modern techniques in irrigation and production—given the importance of improving farming methods and reducing water resource waste.

“A Comprehensive Vision for Food Security and Economic Sustainability”

The Co-Chair of the Agriculture Authority concluded by emphasizing that the unified authority now possesses a long-term vision aimed at achieving stable food security in North and East Syria by increasing local production, developing agricultural and food industries, regulating markets, and strengthening partnerships between various institutions. “The coming years will witness the launch of major agricultural projects, rural development programs, and plans to rehabilitate irrigation networks—steps that will enhance self-reliance and reduce the impact of external market fluctuations, climate instability, and limited resources available to farmers

Qamishlo — As the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women approaches, a dynamic women’s movement in the Autonomous Region of North and East Syria has, over the past years, succeeded in building a unique economic and social model that places women at the heart of development and societal transformation.

Rudin Isa, a member of Women’s Economy, affirmed that depriving women of control over their own economy is one of the most significant forms of violence against them. She described this international day as a symbol of the long struggle women have waged against all forms of oppression and tyranny, defending their dignity and their right to a free and honorable life:
“Women have always been — and remain — a symbol of giving, determination, and a force for change in the face of patriarchal mindsets that have, for centuries, attempted to marginalize their role and erase their value.”

In Qamishlo, where practical experience intersects with ideological vision, Isa asserts that the Women’s Economy project is no longer merely an initiative to launch income-generating projects. Instead, it has become a strategic path for reshaping society based on participation, justice, and equality.

This project, rooted in a long history of women’s resilience and creativity, revives the pioneering role of women as the first founders of the economy and the original creators of production, organization, and self-sufficiency. With accumulated experience and the proven success of women in managing agricultural, industrial, and commercial ventures, the features of an alternative economy have emerged — one based on cooperation and collectivity — restoring to women their strength and their right to determine their own destiny, free from dependency.

A Strategic Step Toward Rebuilding Society

Isa emphasized that the Women’s Economy project in North and East Syria goes far beyond establishing productive projects; it is a strategic step toward rebuilding society on foundations of participation and justice.

She explained:
“It is important to remember that women were the first to establish the foundations of economy since the dawn of history. Women recognized the value of work, production, and organization. They discovered agriculture, collected seeds, cultivated the land, and harvested its fruits. Through this, they built a system based on participation and cooperation, not exploitation and domination.”

According to Isa, women’s intelligence and innate intuition enabled them to understand the importance of organization, savings, and securing food for the future. They were the first to grasp the concept of economic planning — even before the emergence of money or trade. This means that the essence of economy is originally a feminine idea born from women’s need to secure life and provide stability for their community.

With time, patriarchal systems pushed women away from this pioneering role, reducing them to dependents in a male-dominated economic structure built on exploitation. Yet despite all this, women preserved the spirit of work and contribution, proving in every era that they are the foundation of production and life.

Isa affirmed that today’s Women’s Economy project continues this deep-rooted history and seeks to restore balance in society by economically empowering women:
“When women have their own income and financial independence, they gain the power to make decisions and free themselves from all forms of dependency and violence. Economy is not merely a means of living — it is a path to liberation and self-building. Women have proven capable of transforming economy into a space for struggle and creativity.”

Women as the Original Creators

She noted that all of this has been made possible thanks to the philosophy of leader Abdullah Öcalan, who — as she emphasizes — restored women to their rightful place through the concept that society cannot be free without the freedom of women, and that a free economy must rely on women’s active participation:
“Abdullah Öcalan saw women as the essence of life and the source of moral and human values. Through his ideas, we were able to rebuild the concept of economy on the basis of justice and equality.”

Isa explained that through Women’s Economy institutions, women in North and East Syria have proven their ability to manage and produce, launching successful agricultural, industrial, and commercial projects that created job opportunities and contributed to the region’s development:
“This success is clear evidence that when given the opportunity, women can create change and build a free and independent economy that serves everyone. We believe that continuing this project is the true guarantee for building a democratic and integrated society based on social justice and gender equality. Women are not only half of society — they are its foundation and the originators of the first idea upon which today’s systems are built.”

Working Mechanism

Through communes, councils, and Kongra Star, the Women’s Economy Institution works to train women and communicate with them directly to discuss their circumstances, raise awareness of their rights, and encourage them to participate in economic and social life:
“Many women come to Women’s Economy institutions seeking training and information to better understand themselves, their capabilities, and the cooperative work system within these institutions.”

Isa noted that their first step involves gathering women in regular meetings to discuss the types of work they wish to engage in — such as sewing, bakery work, clothing shops, handicrafts, or homemade preserves. Through these meetings, ideas and suitable project proposals are developed to enhance autonomy, strengthen internal organization, and conduct preliminary studies for the projects suggested by the women.

Women’s Economy institutions then evaluate these projects economically and organizationally before implementing them on the ground. Recently, women opened their own bakery in Qamishlo, alongside several other women-run projects across various productive and commercial fields. The most significant among these are agricultural projects, considered the backbone of the region’s economy.
“The main goal is to reach all women in the community through the communes and spread the concept of a free and independent economy so that no woman remains weak or dependent on others.”

A Central Role in Building a Free Economy

In conclusion, Isa stated that their work is based on the vision of Abdullah Öcalan:
“During training sessions, we begin by reading the sixth volume of Öcalan’s Manifesto, focusing on the parts discussing women’s economy and how it has been developed in recent years. The manifesto thoroughly explores women’s central role in building a free economy and how they have advanced and strengthened their presence throughout history.”

“Through these sessions, we aim to empower all women worldwide and to build a life inspired by the spirit of women who struggle, evolve, and seek change. Women must unite and stand together to achieve freedom, equality, and a society built on justice and dignity