Qamishlo – With the massive wave of displacement and the strain of economic blockade, women have moved to the forefront of community life in the city of Qamishlo in Rojava. From organizing shelters and securing daily necessities to supporting the local economy, their strength has become a key driver in sustaining life and mitigating the impact of the crisis on the city.

In every wave of displacement, losses are not measured only by the number of empty homes, but by the scale of the disruption that affects both the social and economic balance. With the arrival of thousands of displaced families from the Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh neighborhoods to the city of Qamishlo, the city has turned into an open space of living pressure. Women have emerged on the front lines of the daily struggle to maintain the continuity of life and prevent its collapse.

Ghalia Mahmoud Al-Najjar, a member of the Women’s Economy Committee of Kongra Star in Qamishlo canton, confirmed that the regions of North and East Syria have witnessed a large wave of displacement of Afrin residents from the Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh neighborhoods as a result of the military escalation launched by the jihadists of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham. This forced large numbers of civilians to head toward the city of Qamishlo, placing exceptional burdens on the region’s living and economic infrastructure.

She explained that the heavy influx of people coincided with the closure of major roads and crossings:

“Supply chains were severely disrupted, which was directly reflected in the availability of basic commodities, especially bread, heating materials, and cooking oils. This paralyzed market movement and increased economic pressure, effectively pushing the city into a suffocating living blockade.”

The supply, economy, and agriculture institutions, in cooperation with the local community, have tried to regulate the limited resources and prevent the crisis from worsening. However, the biggest challenge has been securing shelter and essential needs for the displaced.

“Many were forced to stay in schools, places of worship, or unfinished buildings, amid bitter cold and a severe shortage of heating means.”

Women, as shown, have borne the greatest burden of displacement. Their responsibilities in family care and meeting children’s needs have doubled under harsh psychological and economic conditions for which they were not prepared. Nevertheless, they have played a central role in social cohesion.

“They have helped organize shelter centers, protect children, support the community, participate in guarding and logistical support for fighters, prepare food, and maintain an active presence in community-based economic activities.”

Al-Najjar pointed out that this experience has revealed women’s ability to transform into an effective economic force. Women’s institutions are working to empower women—especially the displaced—through small projects that ensure independent income and reduce the impact of displacement. A large percentage of local economic activity is now led by women despite scarce resources.

She also noted that social solidarity has partially alleviated the severity of the crisis. Bakeries have continued operating, and traders have provided facilities as much as possible, in a collective attempt to prevent the collapse of living conditions.

“The current phase requires broad cooperation to overcome political, social, and economic challenges.”

Ghalia Al-Najjar concluded by stressing that the primary goal is for people to return to their homes:

“The land is not merely a place to live; it is the foundation of economic and social stability. The resilience and solidarity of society are the real guarantee for overcoming this phase with the least possible losses.”

The Rawesta Women’s Cooperative, established under the leadership of the Association for Solidarity with Families of Prisoners and Convicts (TUHAY-DER), continues its work. The cooperative brings together women whose relatives are in prison, enabling them to take part in collective production, with the income generated used to support prisoners’ families and prison[er]s. Aiming to expand production in the coming period and reach more families of prisoners, the cooperative also seeks to extend support to detainees from Rojava and Eastern Kurdistan (Rojhilat) whose relatives are not present here. Working under the motto, “We know the taste of labor, ecology, and solidarity,” the cooperative aims to spread this initiative to cities across the region.

The idea emerged during family visits

The cooperative was established based on collective labor and solidarity in response to the economic deprivation experienced by women with relatives in prison. Yeter Erel Tuma, co-chair of the association, spoke about how the idea for the cooperative emerged and the process of production. Tuma said the idea of forming a cooperative took shape during family visits, explaining that women who struggled to care for their imprisoned relatives, were unable to attend prison visits, and were grappling with deep poverty came together out of the need to produce collectively. She described the initiative as “a project developed on the basis of collective labor and solidarity.”

We wanted to build a model based on a communal structure

Tuma said poverty is one of the fundamental problems in this country [Turkey] and pointed to the reality that women in Kurdistan are being systematically impoverished as part of a special war policy. Tuma said: “It has become inevitable to build a structure through which women can break out of this poverty by organizing themselves, by organizing one another and their labor. We could have established this structure as a company or another type of economic enterprise. However, we are aware that cooperativization is one of the most important tools for local development. We wanted to build a model that expands solidarity and is based on a communal structure.”

Women both work and expand support

Tuma said that collective meal production is currently carried out within the cooperative, noting that food is prepared for weddings, condolence gatherings, restaurants, public kitchens, trainings, and congresses. She added that the income generated covers all the cooperative’s expenses. Tuma said, “We place a particular emphasis on solidarity. All the women who contribute their labor within the cooperative have relatives in prison. These women are directly connected to the association and are relatives of prisoners who are members of the association. By organizing here, women aim to become economically stronger. This stems from the need to be able to support their relatives in prison and to attend prison visits.”

A solidarity commune is being formed

Tuma said the cooperative has another important goal, noting that the income generated is first used to cover all expenses and operational costs. She said, “While the women working here try to support their relatives in prison, they are also forming a solidarity commune for prisoners from Rojava and Eastern Kurdistan whose families are not present here.”

We want to expand solidarity through our own strength

Aslı Çelebi, a relative of a prisoner who works in the cooperative, said that being part of this initiative, where both women and families stand on their own feet, has given her great hope. Çelebi said that they produce, earn, and share without being indebted to anyone, and that they act in solidarity. She continued: “We established this cooperative with the spirit and idea of the commune. Here, we are doing everything we can to expand both production and our collective efforts. With the work carried out here, we want to reach more families of prisoners. We want to stand on our own feet without being indebted to anyone. Today, we cannot reach all prisons, and we cannot provide support everywhere. Through this cooperative, we want to support the prisons or prisoners we cannot yet reach, and we aim to do this through our own strength. We will gradually expand the areas of production. By standing side by side with families, we want to grow this place together. Together with the families of prisoners, we want to both produce here and expand solidarity. Now, seven women are working here, but through the production we carry out, we aim to reach all women.”

Qamishlo — The Women’s Authority in Jazira Canton in Rojava continues its work to support women and protect their rights and achievements, relying on comprehensive approaches that go beyond relief assistance to include structural, social, and political empowerment of women.

The work of the Women’s Authority is not limited to providing direct support only, but also focuses on strengthening women’s organizational structures in neighborhoods, villages, and cities, starting from the communes that form the first line of defense for women’s rights, dignity, and organization.

The Co-Chair of the Women’s Authority in Jazira Canton, Rohat Khalil, confirmed that the Authority focuses on several main pillars in its work. The first is protection and self-organization, through following up on cases of domestic violence and gender-based violence via women’s protection centers and community committees, with a focus on solutions that preserve women’s dignity and prevent the recurrence of violations.

She explained: “We work to strengthen women’s organizational structures and reinforce communes and local councils, so that women are able to defend themselves and their achievements, and remain an active force in society despite all challenges.”

She added that the Authority works on women’s economic empowerment through cooperative projects, production workshops, and small agricultural and industrial projects. She noted that around 40 projects have been prepared to serve women in villages and cities, despite the complex political and security conditions that have prevented their full implementation. “Economic empowerment is closely linked to social and political empowerment, to ensure that women are not dependent solely on financial support, and to enable their full participation in community life.”

She highlighted the importance of women’s participation in political and social decision-making, stating that “women played a fundamental role in the Rojava Revolution in building a free and democratic society. They participated in all political, economic, social, and diplomatic fields, leaving a clear mark on the development and organization of community institutions. The establishment of the Women’s Protection Units and the development of their organizational structures have become a model emulated globally.” She also stressed the importance of training women in leadership, management, and institutional work to enhance their capacity to influence and make decisions.

Core Pillars for Continuing the Work

As Rohat Khalil explained, the Women’s Authority relies on three fundamental pillars to ensure continuity despite difficult circumstances: flexible grassroots organization, which allows work to continue even under siege and bombardment; the philosophy of community resistance, which gives the work meaning and resilience; and cross-border women’s solidarity, which creates a strong political and social protection network.

The Authority has worked to build independent women’s institutions, including the Women’s Authority, women’s protection centers, and women’s justice houses, in addition to strengthening women’s presence in community defense and security. It has also sought to change the stereotypical image of women from victims to active partners in protecting society and decision-making. “Raising awareness of women’s rights includes all segments of society through workshops and dialogue sessions in schools, communes, councils, and universities, and by working alongside men, because women’s liberation is the liberation of society as a whole, not a struggle against men.”

She also pointed to the major challenges facing the Authority’s work, including ongoing security threats, economic crises that increase women’s vulnerability, and patriarchal customs and traditions that still hinder change. In addition, there is political and media targeting of the women’s experience in Rojava, and a prevailing authoritarian mentality that rejects the principle of co-presidency and 50% women’s participation. “Despite all these challenges, we continue working to strengthen women’s self-organization as a first line of protection, link feminist rights struggles with economic and political struggles, build alliances with regional and international women’s organizations to break political isolation, and develop long-term programs to transform culture rather than rely solely on laws.”

Achievements Are the Fruit of Women’s Sacrifices

She emphasized that the achievements made were not accidental or granted, but rather the result of women’s struggle and sacrifices in Rojava, and that protecting them is a collective responsibility. “By protecting women’s rights, we protect the future of the entire society. Women’s participation is not an option but an inevitable necessity for societal stability and justice. A strong society is measured by the extent to which it respects women’s rights and includes them in decision-making.”

The Co-Chair of the Women’s Authority in Jazira Canton, Rohat Khalil, concluded by affirming that the Women’s Authority will continue supporting women in all fields — from legal and social protection to economic and political empowerment — with a focus on building a generation of women capable of leadership and decision-making, ensuring they have a real and influential voice in the future.

Qamishlo – Amid security tensions and complex humanitarian crises affecting the regions of North and East Syria, the Women’s House in the city of Qamishlo continues to carry out its community and rights-based role with dedication and determination.

The role of the Women’s House is not limited to providing direct support; it also includes protecting women and children, empowering them legally and socially, and promoting a culture of awareness regarding women’s rights within society.

Bahia Murad, an administrator at the Women’s House in Qamishlo, stated that the institution has not stopped for a single moment from providing support and assistance to women and the local community, despite the exceptional and complex conditions the region has been experiencing for nearly a month.

“The Women’s House, in cooperation with other women’s institutions, has worked to provide comprehensive protection for girls and women exposed to violence and threats, in addition to offering psychological, social, and legal support to mothers and children, while ensuring the continuity of economic and legal rights, so that women remain at the forefront of protection and community development,” she said.

She explained that the Women’s House closely monitored the situation of forcibly displaced people who arrived in the area and provided them with comprehensive support safely and efficiently. The House’s efforts included providing shelter in displacement centers, schools, and mosques, in addition to meeting basic needs such as bedding, blankets, and household supplies, in cooperation with local humanitarian organizations.

She confirmed that work teams are distributed across all areas to ensure that support reaches everyone in need, with close follow-up on each case to ensure that no woman or girl is subjected to violence or marginalization, while providing full care and continuous follow-up for all beneficiaries.

“The work of the Women’s House is not limited to material support; it also includes legal and community protection. The House follows up on child alimony cases, provides legal consultations to mothers who do not have a stable income, and cooperates with security authorities to ensure the safety of women and girls.”

The Women’s House also communicates with women through local and international hotlines to ensure the provision of consultations and immediate assistance in emergency cases, achieving sustainable protection and preventing any violation of women’s rights.

Intensive Awareness Sessions

Bahia Murad addressed the significant awareness-raising role played by the institution, noting that the Women’s House organizes intensive awareness sessions for women about their legal and social rights, and informs them about available services and resources, including complaint mechanisms and ways to protect themselves and their children.

“These initiatives come within a comprehensive plan to enhance women’s independence and empower them to fully exercise their role in society, whether economically or socially, ensuring their effective participation in all fields,” she said.

She explained that the Women’s House works in an integrated manner with other women’s institutions, such as Kongra Star and the Women’s Authority, to preserve the achievements of the Rojava Revolution.

“Women’s participation in leadership and administrative positions according to the principle of partnership and equality (50–50) ensures the continuity and protection of these achievements, and reflects society’s commitment to the importance of women’s participation in decision-making and building a balanced and inclusive community.”

Bahia Murad clarified that the most prominent challenges facing women in the region are related to protection from violence, economic pressures, and the rising cost of living. She pointed out that women represent the beating heart of society and a fundamental pillar in building the local economy and maintaining family and social cohesion.

“The role of women in society is not a choice, but a necessity to ensure stability and progress. Women deserve all support and recognition for their vital role in all fields,” she said.

In conclusion, Bahia Murad stressed the importance of continuing cooperation between women’s institutions and civil and security bodies to ensure comprehensive support for women, protect their rights, and empower them to carry out their social and economic roles with full freedom and dignity.

“The Women’s House will remain at the forefront of institutions defending women’s rights and a key reference for every woman seeking protection, support, and equality in North and East Syria, with a commitment to humanitarian principles and revolutionary values that have made women the axis of change and a progressive society.

Raqqa is a very ancient city, with an Arab majority where Kurds and Assyrians have always coexisted, with a desert climate but tinged by the intense blue of the Euphrates River and the green vegetation of its banks. When we visited in 2018, 90% of the city had been destroyed due to the war. I remembered very well the square from which the YPJ Command had announced the end of the Battle of Raqqa and its liberation. That square had been used by Daesh to spread its message of terror, placing decapitated heads around it, and people caged in its center. The same square that had been a symbol of the deepest brutality of our century for four years, now became a symbol of liberation and hope.

The second time I visited Raqqa was a few months ago. Seven years later, the city seemed different. From its ruins, Raqqa had risen again. The life, noise and color bore no resemblance to the silence, mistrust and sadness that permeated the first time. Raqqa had awakened from a nightmare that had been too long, and which was not easy to forget. With great effort and determination, the former Daesh capital had become the administrative capital of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of Northern and Eastern Syria, led by women, and with representation from all ethnic and religious communities. We had the opportunity to visit the Zenobia center, the women’s movement of the Arab regions, or liberated regions, as they called them. Arab women, like Kurdish women, were leading the transformation process of their society, carrying out awareness and sensitization work, and training and organizing other women. The center was adorned with small and numerous flags of Abdullah Öcalan, leader and founder of the democratic nation paradigm on which the Rojava Revolution is based; a paradigm within which the Arab women of Raqqa had found the possibility to exist. Images of Arab and Kurdish women who had been martyred by attacks from Turkey or jihadist groups could be seen in the room where they received us. Those women, who had lived under Daesh’s yoke and continued to rebel against the classic and traditional roles their community expected of them, were happy, strong and determined to continue insisting on freedom and dignity.

In recent days, with the attacks carried out by the groups of the Transitional Government of Damascus and Turkey in the region, and with Raqqa once again under HTS control, a new way of naming Daesh’s Salafist ideology, with all the images and information arriving from there about the return of the nightmare they were trying to forget since 2017, I constantly ask myself: What has become of them?

What is being attacked today, in addition to a people and a land, is a way and culture of life, dignity itself and the beauty of coexistence. But if Rojava and Raqqa have demonstrated anything in these years, it is that once women open their eyes, there is nothing that can close them again; once women have decided to live in freedom, they will always find a way to get there; there is nothing that can stop the strength and will of women.

I wanted to take advantage of this short article to share part of the interview conducted in 2019 with Cihan Sheik Ahmed, YPJ Commander and spokesperson of the Battle of Raqqa, published in the book Woman Life Freedom: In the Fire of the Women’s Revolution in Rojava. Cihan is a Kurd from Raqqa:

“For me it was a great experience to coordinate the war as spokesperson. I wrote my name in history representing the YPJ. I’m really happy. When the jihadists entered Raqqa I was there. It was like a wound. I was wounded in Raqqa. We had to leave. But in my head there was always the dream of returning to Raqqa, of liberating Raqqa. When the Raqqa front started it was natural that I participated. Because I know both the territory and the people. The people of Raqqa called us; they knew the Syrian Democratic Forces and the pain they suffered with Daesh had reached the highest level. Therefore, our start of the front was on one side for the people and on the other side revenge for the Yazidi women. Raqqa was a peaceful city. There are Kurds, Arabs, Assyrians… Our neighbors were from everywhere; Muslims, Christians. There were no differences among us. That city that is always beautiful in your imagination is now a place where women are sold, are raped. My family lived for a year in Raqqa under Daesh. The pain of the family and the people was the main reason to go liberate the city, along with the call of the people.

In Raqqa the reality was that there were women both in coordination, in combat and on the most advanced fronts. Our comrades also fought, I’m not saying they didn’t. But, to this day, all the wars in the world and in history were always carried out with the man’s mentality, and the war that men make is very different from the war that women make. The war that men make brings with it more destruction. It brings power. But the war that women make brings life with it. I was in Raqqa as spokesperson. Maybe at first they didn’t know us in the ideological sense, because we went directly to the front, but people saw in the women, in their struggle and in their sacrifice, the revolution of what we now call the revolution of northern and eastern Syria. We say that our revolution is for all of Syria, although previously the people of Manbij, Raqqa, Deir ez-Zor, were far from us. They didn’t like us much. On the front, women, men, girls or elderly women, when we moved them to security zones, saw our strength, that is, they saw life.

In the women of our Arab population, something very strange happened, because our Kurdish and Arab cultures are different from each other. In addition, we as Kurdish society have a heritage, we know the movement, and there is a sensitivity. Therefore, for years, we have always developed our search for freedom. This has always been in the Kurdish people. But in our Arab society, especially in women, it had not occurred. They learned about it after the liberation of these cities. At first, when young Arab women came to join us, they said, “give us weapons so we can take revenge on Daesh”. They had killed their father, or their mother, or their brother, they had cut their necks. They wanted revenge, because the pain that women have suffered with Daesh is really a very great pain. But after they arrived and joined us, the first need was for them to know themselves, to know their personality, to know their history and their existence, so they could make their decisions. That’s why we said, “our revenge is everything we can know about ourselves as women”. Our revenge is not just military. Why do I say this? YPJ doesn’t just go to war and fight against enemies. First of all, it aims to end this mentality of power that has been established in society for thousands of years; to break with the mentality of domination and build again women’s own will. When Arab women understood this reality they became stronger, in the sense of thought and confidence; it has been made known to the world that women, if they triumph mentally, are liberated. Until women are not mentally free, they cannot take up arms and fight. Daesh represents the highest level of the mentality of domination, a mentality that wants to eliminate us. If we are not united, if we do not carry out a strong struggle, if we do not make our organization bigger, we will always encounter this mentality. Daesh tomorrow will be called something else. It won’t be long before we finish with Daesh, but its mentality is still there. That’s why our struggle doesn’t end with the end of Daesh. Our struggle will end with the elimination of the dominant mentality. When we really build a free society with the color of women; then we can say that we have reached the result we want.

It was a very great triumph. On one side we fought, but on the other side we also made our organization bigger. We would take a town and all the youth would join us. They received training and participated on the front. Tribal leaders met with us, they helped us a lot, and the people were on our side. If in a war where the people are on your side, you will win; this is a reality. People said, “we are relaxed when we see that in front of a team there are women, we know that town will be liberated, that neighborhood will be liberated”. In Raqqa they said “Kurdish women”, but really they were YPJ women. For us it was a very great experience. The psychology of the people of Raqqa was different, because of Daesh’s violence. When you liberated these people, when you looked them in the eyes, you saw that the value of life, the hope for life, had died. For this reason, our Raqqa front was not only military but also social, it was a humanitarian front. How do you bring a person back to life? You listen to the children that Daesh has trained, and you know that these children have lost their childhood. War, murder, beheading, cutting off hands. When you hug them and they smile, something new is created inside them, you feel that they desire life. In Raqqa, when we arrived, people told us, “are you real?”. It was like a dream. Once, a woman approached me, kissed me and said, “this is enough for me, you are a woman who has come to liberate us”. A woman who comes to free women; a woman who comes to save women. Another woman said, “I look at you and I feel happy, I see myself in you”. True, we liberated Raqqa, we liberated Manbij, now (2019) we are liberating Deir ez-Zor, but these people have a great need for psychological help. Building a city again is not a problem, but building a person again, this is the most important thing. If we look at history, we see that all the wars that have occurred have been for power, for domination, but women fight for their existence, for freedom.”

Zenobia Women’s Gathering was founded in 2021 and is a women’s movement in Raqqa, Tabqa, Manbij, Deir ez-Zor and other areas that were liberated from ISIS.

After the liberation, women’s centres were built up and started their work to solve all social problems that are imprisoning women, such as domestic violence, underage marriage, polygamy, murder, divorce and [lack of] inheritance. The years of ISIS occupation left deep scars in the mentality of society, however even before then women were fighting against the patriarchal mentality. There are thousands of women part of Zenobia, working towards a a free and dignified life.

The organisation is named after the Warrior Queen of the Palmyra Empire. As a spokesperson of Zenobia women’s gathering said: She is a “model for Syrian women who are able to achieve the impossible and lead their society towards progress and prosperity.”

Arab, Circassian, Turkmen and Kurdish women organized together and built unity through their struggle against the mentality of male domination. Zenobia is a coming together of women, helping women gain the strength and self knowledge to become leaders in their society.

They ran academies for women to become strong, economic projects to help women become economically independent, awareness campaigns, health committees, women’s houses and more.

The occupation of the Syrian Transitional Government of Raqqa, Tabqa and the other areas that were liberated from ISIS, is not merely an administrative change, it is a violent attempt to force women back from taking roles within society. It is an attack on the gains women have made.

The statement made by Zenobia in Dec 2025 against the attacks happening to minorities within Syria, they stated that Syria “will not be built by force or exclusion, but through dialogue, justice, and respect for the will of its people, and that women will remain the voice of wisdom and guardians of the country’s unity and peace.”This was true then and it is true more than ever now!

Now, since the taking over of Raqqa and Tabqa by a jihadist government we are unclear of the future of Zenobia, but what we know it that Arab, Kurdish, Assyrian and all the women of the world will continue to work together, for a free and meaningful life.

This story begins in Afrin.

Afrin is a painful word for those who call it home, because they haven’t been there for a long time. Since the Turkish occupation in 2018, many have been living in a camp set up near to Afrin, in Shehba, staying as close as they could. Last winter, they were again forced out by the war waged by jihadist mercenaries, who have now been incorporated into the Syrian army.  Many of the people stayed in a new camp in Tabqa. We visited them there, were invited into their tents, and heard about the hardships they face: the cold in winter, the heat in summer, but also their determination to stay together and one day return to Afrin.  This winter, with Tabqa being attacked and taken by the Syrian transitional government and their jihadist mercenary gangs, these people were violently forced to leave once again. In the far northwest of Syria, the Afrin region was liberated from the Ba’ath regime in 2012 during the Rojava Revolution. As throughout the liberated territory, the people themselves established democratic institutions of self-governance. Since then, society had organized itself into communes and councils, a community economy was established through cooperatives, and a sense of community was developed through education.

“This means that whenever a decision was made, the commune was involved, and for problem solving as well. The commune creates the organization of society; we give it the greatest importance of all institutions and councils. Everyone finds a place in the commune,” says the women that are active in the institutions of self-governed refugee camp in Tabqa. This democratic system, in which every individual participates in decision-making processes, so that these are made in the interest of the common good, represents the people’s of North and East Syria vision of a free life. This life is based on democratic and ecological values, with the necessity of women’s liberation and gender equality taking center stage.

The women continue their story of life in Afrin: “At the beginning of the Rojava Revolution in 2012/2013, Afrin lived in a self-sufficient circular economy. People fed themselves from the land that surrounded them. Every house had trees in the yard and gardens. When growing plants for sale, chemical fertilizers are used to increase profits, but there was no such thing in Afrin. When the women grew food at home, they met the needs of their households and perhaps also those of their neighbors and friends. Afrin was isolated (besieged), and we could have survived like that for another ten years. Why? Because every house had its own garden that could provide for itself. The women were instrumental in this, cultivating and watering the land. They planted flowers here and tomatoes there. A delicate rose here and beans next to it. The people of Afrin grew everything themselves. In addition, every house had sheep for yogurt, milk, and cheese. And these, too, were mostly cared for by the mothers.”

The women speak with pride about the natural circular economy and the importance of self-sufficiency in times of war and siege. The role of women and mothers in this, as the bearers of this communal life, is paramount for them. They speak of how green their homeland of Afrin is, in contrast to the arid landscape where they are now trying to rebuild their lives.

“You’d think you couldn’t plant anything [here], but we’ve planted everything”.

They don’t mean just any green, not lush grass green or dark fir green, but the gray-green of olive trees. Afrin is famous for its olive trees and oil production. The Turkish army, which violently disrupted communal life in Afrin in January 2018, called its military offensive “Operation Olive Branch.” With the newly created mercenary group “Syrian National Army” (SNA), which is intended to implement Turkish interests on the other side of the border in Syria, an offensive war against Afrin began on January 20th.

“During the Afrin War, there were suddenly warplanes in the sky above us. We had never seen anything like it in our lives. We had no experience of war,” the women recount about that day. Turkish interests were focused on defending a concept of homeland that allowed only one ethnic group, one language, one culture, and one religion to be at home. To establish this understanding, the Turkish state was built on the foundation of denying Kurdish society, language, ethnicity, and culture. The vibrant community life that developed through the Rojava Revolution on the other side of the Turkish border threatened to disprove this concept, especially since it was led by a Kurdish initiative. The women from Afrin tell how, through the shared resistance of women, ethnic divisions were overcome, as they assumed a leading role for the entire society.

The truth is, women have led life for thousands of years. But we, in the midst of it all, faced many difficulties. Whether we like it or not, in culture, religion, everywhere there are customs and traditions. The efforts and work of the women’s movement became a model and a source of strength for us. Within society, as women, to build autonomy among women, to get to know ourselves and liberate ourselves… and with this become pioneers for all women worldwide… In Afrin lived mainly Kurdish and Arab women, a few Turkmen families as well. When we talked about building up women’s communes, it felt as if the whole society was moving toward a line of correction. Society could take a deep breath… could breathe more easily. We made educations about the defense of women’s rights. Freedom is not easy… Women’s liberation means women must get to know themselves. We needed women’s communes because in them women could share their pain and suffering caused by oppressive traditions, fathers, brothers, or husbands with each other.

Two months after the start of the war of aggression, on March 18, 2018, the Turkish-backed SNA began its occupation of Afrin. They looted villages, raped, murdered, kidnapped, tortured, and committed numerous massacres of civilians. Speaking the Kurdish language became banned and persecuted, and the historically significant olive groves were burned. Thousands of people were forced to leave their home. Since Afrin had become a refuge for many fleeing previous wars, such as the ISIS attacks in Shengal, this displacement was the second in the lives of many. The people of Afrin did not give up their goal of returning home and therefore only traveled as far as necessary. Many went to Aleppo or Shehba. Shehba was also surrounded by the Turkish occupation and the totalitarian Syrian Assad regime and subjected to an economic embargo and constant attacks. The thousands of internally displaced people from Afrin did not give up and developed a vision of a free, communal life in the refugee camps.

After our arrival [in Shehba], we spent three months visiting families in tents. We went from house to house and talked about how women could support themselves, identify problems early on, and keep their children and the surrounding area clean. Because when women are well-prepared and empowered, they can provide for the whole family. Afterwards, we met in the community council. We discussed our situation, the war situation, how we had been displaced, and how we wanted to organize ourselves in the future.

In the refugee camps, self-defense was also organized. “If a stranger arrived (to the camp), someone from the self-defense committee would immediately check who it was. Now, three-quarters of the members of the self-defense committee are women. In general, the women are the ones who do the most work. Despite all the difficulties in the tents, especially for families with children, the women are resisting, organizing themselves, and defending themselves and their families.” Self-defense encompasses many roles. Some stand guard, go on patrol, and learn how to use weapons. Others “said they were needed at home, but they would inform the others if they noticed any problems.” Their aim was not only to organize daily life well in the war situation, but above all to create a future that could overcome the war.

We had set up a nursery in Shehba. Everything was ready for the children’s first day. The teachers had painted pictures on the wall. They asked, ‘Should we paint a car?’ I said, ‘Everything we paint should be from nature.’ They asked, ‘Why?’ and I said, ‘So that the children, both girls and boys, can observe nature and find peace. So that they grow up with love. When they observe nature, love will develop within them. Then they will also love their surroundings in general.’ The teachers agreed. Whoever loves nature loves everything. But we had to give up the daycare center and leave Shehba.

For seven years, the people from Afrin had lived in Shehba, continuing their self-governance in the camps and defending these values against the Turkish attacks. “When your hands plant something in the earth, you build knowledge and energy. When you are separated from that… Have you seen what they are doing to the olive trees in Afrin? They are cutting down the olive trees. Have you seen it? You cannot separate the women of Afrin from nature. People think that nothing grows in the camps. But we have planted everything. To be separated from that is like being separated from your own beauty, the love of life, of your spirit.”

When the Assad regime was overthrown in the fall of 2024, Turkey seized the opportunity and attacked the region with air and ground strikes by the SNA and the Turkish military. On December 2, 2024, the refugee camps were evacuated, and the people were forced to flee once again.

“This has an impact on people. Women are affected the most. Because they are often tied to the home, taking care of the household, raising the children. Whether everything necessary for life is available or not, whether there is work or not, whether everything is running smoothly or not… it affects them greatly. Some problems and difficulties are experienced as a result of this escape,” one of the women explains.

Another woman adds:

When we had to flee Shehba and came here, think about it, it was the middle of winter. We were in tents in the cold. But the women resisted and defended themselves in the camps, because a woman who isn’t organized and can’t defend herself, can’t live under such conditions. […] Together, the women support each other and encourage one another to defy the conditions.

Some families went to the cities and found work, others moved to other refugee camps, like the women interviewed in Tabqa, and still others moved to Aleppo. In Aleppo, they were integrated into the neighborhood communities in the self-governed districts of Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh and became involved in the committees. The remaining parts of Aleppo were under the control of the new Syrian Transitional Government, which was formed after the Islamist militia Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) seized power in the fall of 2024. Because of their location, the two self-governing districts played a significant role and repeatedly were the scene of conflict. The transitional government fueled divisions and incitement, especially against religious and ethnic minorities in the self-governing districts. In a negotiation process for the integration of the self-defense units of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) into the transitional government, an agreement was reached on March 10, 2025. The goal of democratization should create a Syria in which all its inhabitants can find a home together.

Point 5 of the agreement states: “Guaranteeing the return of all displaced Syrians to their cities and villages and guaranteeing their protection by the Syrian state.”

And point 7: “Rejection of calls for division, hate speech, and attempts to sow discord among the population groups of Syria.”

Aleppo played a special role in the implementation of the agreement and the decentralization of Syria. The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) entrusted the security of the self-governed neighborhoods to internal security forces rooted in the community self-defense committees. In April 2025, the civilian council of the neighborhoods signed an agreement with the Syrian Transitional Government. This agreement confirmed that the two neighborhoods would remain self-governed while still being recognized as part of Aleppo, respecting the area’s social and cultural identity. The roads to the rest of Aleppo were to be opened, and responsibility for the security of the neighborhoods was to be shared.

Toward the end of the year, it became increasingly clear that the processes of democratization and decentralization in Syria would not be implemented quickly, but instead were being blocked. The resulting tensions were particularly evident in the neighborhoods of Aleppo. In December, government forces blocked access roads to the neighborhoods, hindering the delivery of supplies. This was followed by military clashes between the government and internal security forces following attacks on public demonstrations. On January 6, 2026, mercenary militias loyal to the Syrian transitional government and Turkey launched a targeted attack on civilians and infrastructure using heavy weapons. They murdered and destroyed using inhumane methods. Many people left their neighborhoods, venturing once again into the unknown. Others heeded the call of the municipalities and councils and decided to remain in their neighborhoods and resist. The self-governing administration’s internal security forces defended the neighborhoods and resisted for days, whilst jihadist groups shows their complete distortion of life, capturing civilians, mutilating and desecrating the bodies of the murdered. Women, in particular, experienced violence at the hands of the attackers’ fascist jihadist mentality. This war in Syria is taking homeland in all its material sense of life, and additionally attacking a way of defining home as something alive, something that can lead a way to peace for the whole world. The people in Rojava despite the tears in their eyes, despite the pain that every war brings, know for certain: only a life of resistance can bring peace to their home. Even after eight years of occupation of Afrin, the people are still determined to return. “Everyone says the militias have taken over Afrin, cut down the trees, killed, occupied, and destroyed everything. But we want to return to our land. We will make Afrin green again, just like it was before. We women have this belief.”

One of the women concludes the conversation, and another adds:

I say, when I return to Afrin, I will go to the top of a mountain, build a mud house, and live there. We will be self-sufficient and not abandon this culture ever again. We will return to our culture, our way of life, so that we can easily put the years we had to leave Afrin behind us.

Some months ago we had the opportunity to meet and talk with the friends of the “Zenobia Women’s Gathering”. We talked about their struggles, how women become strong and the meaning of organizing as women in unity in women’s communes. We want the voices of the women of Zenobia to continually be part in our common struggle, especially as they are being silenced right now. We want their will and struggles to be known and heard, as there values and goals are being heavily attacked. We stand with the women, that are being murdered and attacked right now, and by making their words known, we want to articulate that our common struggle continues, as long as all women in the world are not stopped anymore from growing and can overcome the walls that condemns them from living their truth. Zenobia was founded in 2021 and named after the warrior queen of the Palmyra Empire, Zenobia. In Manbij, Tabqa, Deir ez-Zor and Raqqa women’s centers were built up and started their work to solve all social problems that are imprisoning women, such as domestic violence, underage marriage, polygamy, murder, divorce and inheritance. Arab, Circassian, Turkmen and Kurdish women organized together and built unity through their struggle against the mentality of male domination. The years of ISIS occupation left deep traces in the geography of this land, and in the mentality of society. Facing them as women means that the struggle for freedom includes many battles. In order to oppose the rules and traditions, the first step is to strengthen one’s will and to get to know oneself, which brings the taste freedom to women.

Interview taken on the 20th November 2025 in Raqqa. It is a translated version from Arabic into English.

What are you working for in Zenobia?

Noora: We are working here in Zenobia to improve [the situation of] women and to empower women in all the fields of life – in politics, economics – in every way. We are working to break the barriers inside, for every woman to know her truth and to make sure that she can be strong to take her gains. These days women are suffering from old traditions. From a lot of things. First of all, the violence, like sexual and physical. Also, women are forced to adopt thoughts that they don’t want, but that she must adopt these thoughts, because the men authority is forcing her to. Here, it is our job: to make every woman stronger, to be successful, stronger, so that she can have a better life than before. That’s it.

In what ways can women become stronger?

Noora: There are many ways. First of all, we visit women in their homes and give lectures to raise their consciousness about what they want and the rights they have. Every women needs to ask for her rights. You have the right to live. You have the right to learn. You have the right to do a lot of things. But in the right way. So we are making women conscious, so they know what they want for the future and so they can break the barriers inside their own hearts. You know, many women are afraid to ask for their rights because of the society. So, we are making them stronger. So, they can ask for their rights.

Leila: I want to add some more things we do to make women more conscious. First of all, the visits.We [also] have a project for giving lectures in Academies. We have Academies for women with a lot of programs. Some of them are closed. Closed means women come to the academy and stay there for one or two month, but without going home. And some of the programs are opened. That means that the program begins at 9.00 in the morning and goes until 3.00 in the afternoon. We do this because many women can’t [join the closed programs], because of their families and circumstances. Many families would never let their daughters go and sleep outside of their home. We want all women to be able to come to the Academy and take part in the lectures, to get to know themselves more, to be empowered and strengthened and to improve their social life and to improve their strength. All of this, from the academies and the lectures.

Can you tell about the changes in the women’s personality from the beginning to the end of the academies?

Noora: When coming to the Academy many women have a lot of difficulties. As we said before – the society, her brother, her father, men authority makes life hard for them. Women can not study, can not learn – but when they come to the academies, it is like entering a new world. She becomes stronger and it is like a shining on the women’s life, as she was living in darkness all of these years. In the academies, we support the women to get to know herself, her real self. That means they discover things in themselves they didn’t know they had, like abilities, preferences, hobbies. After the academy the women are more talented, more strong, more powerful and more confident in themselves. […] We keep supporting the women even after the academy. Because a lot of women are not confident in themselves, they cannot face the oppression on them. But when they are more strong [this changes]. And it’s a great thing that, these days, we find a lot of women going through the academies, they become teachers, they become leaders, like our friends here, we became leaders. [for the works of Zenobia.] So it’s like this for now, but we want to be able to make and give more. Not only for women here, but in all of Syria and all over the world.

How do the women come together and support each other in becoming stronger in your academies?

Noora: It’s about the spirit of friendship. All the women, when they come together as different personalities and from different environments, they become friends. They gain from each other with the touch between them. Even the teachers interact with each other as friends. As friends we do everything together and support each other in every way. It’s also possible to gain from each other’s personalities, like someone is very quiet and someone else very hard and often angry. By time, this angry person becomes more calm and the quiet person becomes more confident. They gain from each other. At the end of the academies the women cry when they separate from each other. They found each other in a group among friends, like families. They keep in touch with each other because they feel that they have a family, that they have support. They have someone that makes them more strong and more powerful. That’s it, the friendship spirit is the most important.

To continue this spirit of friendship: The system of self-governing in North-/East Syria is based on communes, as the smallest entities for society. When you hear the words “women’s commune”, what comes to your minds first?

Asma: Our system of communes has two parts: a general one and an autonomous one, for women only. The communes connect all the councils and committees. As women, we are the only ones that can understand other women. That’s why [it is important] to have autonomous communes for women only. The job [of the women’s commune] becomes protecting women. That means to know every woman in the neighborhood and ask for her circumstances, to know if she is under violence or anything that is hurting her. And to let her know that she can give her voice to the commune and councils and be heard. We have autonomous self-defense committees and health communes. [These topics are also connected:] Self defense is to protect women’s health. We are working on this project these days. We hope in the future [this system of communes] will be more in all of our community. We hope that even in all of Syria, there will be communes for women, specifically for women, to improve women’s life all around Syria. Because women in Syria are under a lot of violence, a lot of exclusion from politics in every way. They are excluding women from politics, from working, from economics, from everything. Women do not take part and are suffering. We hope that we can reach all those women and support them by building communes. We hope by the beginning of the year, in 2026, to start a [phase of strengthening and empowering the communes]. It will need some time, but we are working on it. Communes for women are so important. […] A lot of women are living in villages. The job of the women’s commune is to also reach those women.

What are the biggest challenges with building up these women’s communes?

Leila: The biggest challenge is the traditional culture of this area and above this, after ISIS came – it’s mentality, which is spread among men. Men can’t accept that women form a commune or can become powerful. Or that women can do a man’s job – it’s not accepted for them. So it’s hard, we need to change men’s minds, to convince them that women can be in these positions of power. This is the biggest challenge and we can’t say it’s easy. But we can [change], always. Even after ISIS and all of this mentality – and it’s such a hard mentality – we can [change]. We are working hard for this. We hope that we can change. Also the women’s mind are touched by this. These thoughts of ISIS are so horrible, so we hope to change.

How do women overcome/address the mentality built up by ISIS?

Leila: It’s one of the biggest challenges. But as we said before, about the difference in women before and after an academy. When women are more powerful and more confident with their thoughts and themselves, they will not fear anything, even not the mentality of ISIS. Most of them [the women after the Zenobia academies] are now in positions of power, in institutes, on committees, positions of power, powerful positions and political positions. They start as a communal person, as women in the communes. And they can get women, they will get any woman, because they are not fearing anymore. Her thoughts change. This fear is always and was always inside the woman, not outside of her. You know, women are the enemy of themselves, because they don’t know what they want and don’t know their rights. Or if she got rights, or if she can do anything. She didn’t know all of this. She was like, living in the darkness for all of these years. [After the academies] she knows now that she’s powerful. She knows her rights, she know her gains, and she can protect even her gains. She got [this] from knowledge, from strength. She can protect herself and her gains. That’s what she does now. And then she tries to spread throughout all of the women to try to make more women like her. After becoming knowledgeable and strong, a woman begins to compare between her life and the mentality of ISIS. They will find the difference and reflect how she can actually live when there are rights. That brings woman to take a decision, to be strong and support more women to get rid of these thoughts and mentalities of ISIS that still live on. That’s why we as Zenobia even work with the women in ISIS camps to change women’s mentalities, to help them to get to know themselves and to compare their lives before and now. What the mentality of ISIS gives to women and how democratic thoughts give them their rights, their gains. In the mentality of ISIS, women don’t have a personality and are nothing for real. This mentality, becomes real when it is implemented. To change this is a difficult task. […] You can’t wait for someone to set you free. You must set yourself free.

What role are women playing in building up Raqqa today?

Leila: These days more and more women here in Raqqa work in a lot of positions. Women are building up Raqqa again – cleaning up Raqqa from what happened, after ISIS. One of our mayors, Leyla Mustefa, was the representative of the council of Raqqa. She was one of the nine mayors in the world – cleaning up Raqqa from what happened, after ISIS. You know the destroyed buildings and all of this. In every institute there is an office for women now, especially for women, to protect them within work. Women here are the biggest part that helps to build Raqqa, so it becomes more beautiful every day. These days, Raqqa became such a beautiful city. It wasn’t like this before because, you know, it was 90% destroyed. That’s the role of woman. Women worked a lot here. More than men. They worked a lot. That’s what they do here.

You talked about the women in the villages. How do you see the relationship between women and nature?

Leila: There’s something common between women and nature. Women were working on the fields, we’re daughters of nature. Women are making everything for themselves. You know, there were always more women working on the fields than men. So that’s why nature is so mixed with the women’s mentality. […] Women’s roots are between fields and trees. Every woman has roots like a tree, and they are strong roots. But we hope they become stronger and stronger with time. Women who live in the villages are stronger. That’s why you find a lot of differences between women in villages and women in cities, because of their relationship with nature. It makes them stronger. You see their bodies, their hair, their skin. Everything is different. Even their minds are. So they have strong personalities because of the nature and clean air. They don’t eat something like food in cans. Her mind is cleaner because of the nature, because of the clean air. In the cities we all are living a fast life, everything is fast. They are on the fields with the calves and everything – they do everything that men do, not like in the city. Here, the authority of men is stronger, you know, because they think women can’t be powerful. They think women are not strong. If they want a lawyer, they don’t want a woman as a lawyer. They want a man. She can’t defend me because she’s a woman… But, you know, a lot of successful lawyers were women.

Earlier you spoke about self-defense. What does this involve? I mean, I guess I would say I can’t defend myself just by myself, I need a commune. I myself am also on a big search, because I realized I’ve had very little self-defense throughout my life. This is one reason why I wanted to come to this revolution here in Syria.

Leila: For self-defense, first of all, women must know their rights. You as a woman, you should know your rights and break the barriers inside your heart. Do not be afraid. Don’t be afraid to know. Women are afraid to ask for their rights and this fear kills their voice. We need to set them free from the barriers inside of themselves. These are not walls within the society or like walls in a room. It’s inside the woman. So we need to help women to break the barriers inside of her heart, to know how to get out of there. Then, she must refuse to be under violence, to say no. Women think that they can’t say no. The first thing is, you can say no. Maybe it’s not easy always, but it’s easy when you know that you have to be strong and you know what you want. So first of all, you can say no. You can say no. Then we said, do not be afraid. In our academies there are lessons about self-defense. It’s necessary to learn both physically and mentally, because some of the violence is not by hands, but by words or thoughts. Forcing your own thoughts on someone is violence. Forcing a woman to stay at home, to not leave the house – it’s violence. Then there is also sexual violence. So as I said, at first you have to decide to say no, to not accept this anymore.

Earlier, you said that it’s, not just important to support women here, but in the whole of Syria and the whole world. Why is it important for you to support a woman on the other side of the world?

Asma: Well, because they are also women. We are women for each other. If she is in Darfur, in Africa, in Pakistan. You know, also in Pakistan, women are being sold. They are selling girls underage, to be a slave, to make a woman from her childhood as a slave. In Iran women are also suffering from Islamic thoughts. We are not looking from only our point-of-view in Rojava or Syria. We are looking for all woman in the world. Everywhere women are suffering, even in Europe. As a women’s gathering, we can be the biggest gathering in the world by joining all of the women in all of the world. And we are seeking that. Here, there are women in the military, as warriors. And, you know, women can be warriors all around the world. Women should not just be slaves for the authorities.

I also have a question regarding the women’s communality: How do you manage to bring women from different religions, ethnicity and cultures together?

Leila and Noora: You asked how the relationships are, how we gather all the women – Assyrian, Syriac, Arabic. They are all gathering because of the mentality. We, as women, all have the same goal. We are as women. We are not looking at you as, “you are Kurdish” or Arabic or whatever. […] Its the spirit of friendship, as I said before. We are working as a team, not as individuals, because we have the same goals, the same mentality. That’s what brings us together. It’s easy to understand each other, because we share a mentality. Also between us and you, we have the same goals, the same thoughts about women. We all want to struggle for women, that’s why. We don’t deal with it like, you know… We deal with you as a woman first and a human second. You are a woman and human. We don’t look for your race or your religion, or anything else. The point where we’re all together is that we are all women and want to struggle for women. You are from Britain, from Germany, and we come together as women for women.

Can the unity between women help to overcome separations in the whole of society like this?

Asma: That’s true, that’s true. We did not have a lot of separations before ISIS came and brought its mentality. I always drink my coffee in the morning with my neighbor. I don’t think about the fact that she’s Kurdish and I am Arabic. She comes to my home, I visit her, and we go out together. Before ISIS, kids were playing together, it was a normal life. ISIS raised these thoughts on people’s minds: “This is not Muslim. This is Muslim. This is Kurdish. This is Arabic.” Before ISIS there were not those thoughts. And now, with the Autonomous-Administration – we exclude all of these thoughts. We destroy all of these mentalities. We are all here, we are all humans, we have the same rights, we are all equal. You have rights as a human, first of all. Then as a woman, you have the right to be strong, the right to learn, the right to work, the right to say no and to say your opinion. They think that we are washing [women’s] hands, their minds somehow. It’s the opposite. They are washing their minds and making women think that her place is only in the kitchen. You can’t do all of this. That’s it. That’s a challenge for all the woman’s not only in Syria, but all over the world.

We dig deep, through the layers of millennia. We discuss the origin of life, we attempt to penetrate to a core that has survived the ages. We plant seeds in the ground that we nurture in cycles spanning many years, in the hope that people will one day live in the shade of these trees.

A button is pressed and within seconds a bomb explodes. In Syria, the ground is currently being buried on a massive scale. In Aleppo, entire neighborhoods were turned into landscapes of ruins within days. We work deeply and slowly; the enemy destroys superficially and quickly.

A few months ago, we were on a delegation trip to the self-administered regions of North and East Syria. Three weeks during which a whole world of experiences and encounters opened up. Today I read about the large-scale offensive by Islamist militias that, under the umbrella of the Syrian transitional government and with international backing, are heading toward Tabqa and Raqqa. Tabqa and Raqqa are two places that we also visited.

We spoke with women in the camp in Tabqa who had already been displaced twice. From Afrin, when the Turkish occupying state attacked their homeland, and then from Shehba, where they had remained in the hope of one day returning to Afrin from there. At the end of last year, they were displaced again from Shehba by the “gangs.” They call these groups “gangs,” by which they mean the SNA, HTS, Al-Nusra, and IS. The defense forces established a flight corridor for them. During their flight, they were insulted by the Islamists, saw severed heads, and received death threats. In the camp in Tabqa, we are invited by different families into their tents. The youngest here is three months old and the oldest woman has lived to see her 101st birthday. It shows me how strong this community must be for this elderly woman to have been able to flee. Between the tents, we meet a woman and a conversation develops between us about love and motherhood. She says: “This revolution is a revolution of love.” She says we must learn what love is and how we can open our hearts to all people. Like a mother who “loves unconditionally.” She says that this century will either become the century of women’s revolution or new fundamentalist-patriarchal values will take hold.

As I write these lines, I read that the “gangs” are standing before Tabqa. When I think of these people we met in Tabqa, I feel a deep knot building in my chest and a pain in my heart.

The women we met told us about the revolution that they have to fight for anew every day just to be allowed to be political at all. To be allowed to live independently from men at all. An Arab woman who is organized in Jineolojî in Tabqa told us that she was always looked down upon by everyone. Her family evaluated her work at Jineolojî as a waste of time. She was called lazy and good-for-nothing. Then Abdullah Öcalan wrote a letter from prison to the Jineolojî Academy. Suddenly the perspective changed. Her family realized that she was doing important work, if even Öcalan was addressing a letter to them. Since then, her husband always says when he sees her watching the news: ‘Oh, Jineolojî is watching the news.’ He knows that she is educating herself politically, that she is organized. That she has built up a political consciousness. This gives her power. This has triggered a small revolution in her, her family, and her marriage. Everyone knows that she is politically aware. That she is doing important work.

We talk about whether the philosophy of the Kurdish freedom movement contradicts the Quran. She shakes her head: “Religion has been instrumentalized.” A patriarchal understanding of honor allows men to murder, whether under Assad or under Islamist rule; they remained unpunished for it. One of the battles that women are fighting is to recognize these murders as such. The revolution has given them the political and legal framework to defend themselves against honor killings. But the work within families, with fathers, husbands, and brothers is a permanent revolution that women have been continuing for years. I will never forget the love and strength that lay in these conversations. While we spoke, as they patiently answered our questions, a child was passed from arm to arm around the table.

The movement changes people’s living situations. The women meet regularly, discuss and talk about the political situation. They speak with other women, organize them, give them hope. Hope for a different life. Hope for a liberated life. What will happen to them when IS militias stand at their door?

When we were in Raqqa, the women were more heavily veiled than in other areas of the self-administration. Our companion knew that the fear of IS is very great here. Raqqa was chosen by IS as the capital of the so-called caliphate. The fear of IS’s return makes it difficult to organize people. Hardly any woman goes outside here without a veil because they fear that if the Islamists seize power again, they will be murdered for it. It takes years before a woman can regain enough trust to raise her voice again. The IS gangs’ plan to take Raqqa aims to extinguish once more the sparks of hope that have been produced through painstaking work.

I think of Z., who lives in Tabqa. When we stood at her front door, she greeted us with a tearful face. We had arrived late; she had thought something had happened to us. We slept two nights in her apartment. Every day she brought us ice cream in the evening. She is a very self-confident woman. She ran away, left her husband behind, and joined the Kurdish freedom movement. “I am free now, it was the best decision I could make.” In Tabqa, we are accompanied by another woman. I immediately felt a strong connection to her. She was still young, mid to late twenties. Her hair was so long that it touched the backs of her knees. When driving, she often turned the music up very loud, singing along and looking at us with laughter. She always drove the car. To liberate Raqqa from IS, she fought in alliance with American soldiers. “The men always looked down on me. They thought they could do more, just because they are men. Not like with our forces. YPJ is much better.”

Once I woke up early in the morning and wanted to set the table ahead of time while the others were still sleeping. She was faster than me and was already standing next to the fully set table. She smiled at me and said: “So you can sleep longer.” We sat down together and tried to have a conversation through Google Translate. The background on her phone was the picture of a man. “Your boyfriend?” I asked. She said: “Yes, my husband. I had to get married. But life with my comerades was much better.” “Why don’t you go back and separate from your husband?” I ask. “It’s complicated. Family… We’ll see. You better stay with your comerades!” she says with a soft gaze.

As we leave Raqqa and Tabqa, we go without being able to say goodbye to her. But S. tells us that she didn’t want to say goodbye because she is sure that we will see each other again. These are only small stories, but through them I carry Tabqa, Raqqa, the struggle and resistance of women in Syria in my heart. When I was there, every detail showed me what a great revolution the women there carry out anew every day by organizing themselves, building their own will, and defending themselves against attacks from all sides. The Kurdish freedom movement and the philosophy of Abdullah Öcalan have given them the strength that made all of this possible. A renewed invasion of Islamist forces into the region means for them displacement again, or imprisonment within the walls of the home, rape and murder.

My breath is shallow these days. The air doesn’t reach my belly. Constantly that short sound, my phone notifying me, again with new images, a new message about the attacks against the autonomous self-administration. So many years of struggle lie behind us—and so many ahead of us. We must be able to breathe. To breathe in all that has been achieved in struggles before us and that allows us to live.

I find a moment of clarity and calm when, between the messages on my phone, the image of a young woman appears. Şehîd Deniz Çiya was a commander of the resistance in Aleppo and a woman who fought to her last bullet for the defense of her people. Her last words were: “Those who cannot face death when necessary cannot become the breath of a free life.”

The river of this revolution is composed of millions of small drops, of encounters, conversations and moments, women who organize themselves in refugee camps, women who discuss freedom, women who save their last hand grenade to avoid falling into the hands of the enemy. Women who come together to build—and who choose hope in the face of destruction. Hundreds of revolutions every day, which in their totality will break even the hard stone of domination. In these days we are painfully reminded again: It will not be easy. But we will always continue to flow and never retreat.

Tell Tamr – Since the dawn of history, women have played pioneering and influential roles in communal societies, contributing strongly to collective life. They formed the vanguard of society and laid the foundations for its progress, leaving a lasting impact on the course of humanity.

Despite thirteen years of the Syrian crisis, the issue of women’s freedom remains a fundamental challenge. Societal democracy is closely linked to women’s freedom, making it essential to understand and correctly implement this principle, as it underpins the continuity and development of democratic experience.

Kongra Star and the Yazidi Women’s Gathering began establishing women’s communes across the regions of North and East Syria. This initiative aims to strengthen women’s roles and organize them within a community framework that reinforces values of participation and democracy.

Each women’s commune consists of 11 women, three of whom handle administrative tasks, with one serving as the co-chair of the general commune. Specialized committees are formed based on need, including the Economic Committee, Health Committee, Women’s Protection Committee, Cooperatives Committee, Justice Committee, Environment Committee, Golden Crescent Committee, and Finance Committee.

All resources of the women’s communes are dedicated to serving women, with 30% of the general commune’s budget allocated to the women’s association. Kongra Star and the Yazidi Women’s Gathering continuously monitor the work of these communes, and the communes report monthly on their activities and achievements.

Establishing Women’s Communes Began in Jabal Kizwan

In Tell Tamr, part of the Jazira region, Kongra Star initiated the establishment of women’s communes, beginning in Jabal Kizwan as the starting point of an organizational path aimed at strengthening women’s roles and expanding their participation in social life.

Jabal Kizwan was chosen because the area still faces challenges related to women’s freedom and the need to instill a correct understanding of democracy, alongside promoting equality between men and women. The region also continues to struggle against violence targeting women, making it a natural starting point for the creation of women’s communes.

To better analyze problems and develop suitable solutions, an independent women’s organization is required in each village and neighborhood, ensuring effective responses to challenges and enabling women to participate in decision-making.

Reviving the Commune System and Redefining Gender Roles

Nihad Shendi, an administrative official at Kongra Star, stated that the Rojava Revolution revived the commune system. Through the principle of co-chairing by women and men, a radical shift in societal mindset is being achieved:
“The co-chair system represents a new step in redefining the roles of women and men in contemporary society, after their roles were marginalized and excluded.”

Shendi emphasized that the communes have moved beyond traditional dependency and service roles. They are now structured so that each individual is responsible for their role within society. “In this way, the democratic system can evolve to grant everyone the right to expression and participation, enhance individual independence and freedom, and make them active members of a democratic nation.”

She stressed the importance of men and women jointly making decisions and determining solutions to community and family issues within the commune. “Decisions should not be made individually by one co-chair and imposed ineffectively on others,” she noted, emphasizing that women reject mindsets that marginalize or exclude their role.

After establishing general communes, the need for women’s communes became clear. These communes, alongside general ones and without discrimination among women or communities in the region, strengthen the struggle against various forms of dominance, tyranny, and occupation, and address attempts to fragment society.

Women in villages and neighborhoods face greater and more intense challenges, necessitating direct outreach and raising awareness about the importance of democratic family structures and protection. “Hence the need to establish women’s communes as an organized framework to ensure women’s active participation and enhance their role in confronting difficulties.”

Communes as a Fruit of the Women’s Revolution

Shendi confirmed that women’s communes provide women with a broader space to exercise their rights in education, health, economy, environment, and arts. “They enable a deeper understanding of justice principles and laws that guarantee their rights, contributing to legal awareness and strengthening their societal position.”

She added that the establishment of women’s communes represents a significant achievement of the women’s movement over fourteen years of struggle. “Although this step came late due to years of ISIS attacks and Turkish occupation, which continue today, the struggle continues with greater momentum through ongoing building and development efforts.

Aleppo – The Women’s Economy Committee in the neighborhoods of al-Ashrafiya and Sheikh Maqsoud in the city of Aleppo has expanded its economic projects and established service and productive initiatives to accelerate the effective integration of women into economic activity.

The negative impacts of the siege imposed on the neighborhoods of Sheikh Maqsoud and al-Ashrafiya by militants of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham are directly reflected on families. This siege, which has continued for nearly three months, has caused severe shortages of essential materials such as diesel fuel and flour, disrupting the operation of bakeries amid a deteriorating electricity situation.

Residents of both neighborhoods are deprived of their right to heating fuel despite extremely low temperatures, especially during the early morning hours. Children, women, the elderly, and the sick suffer from the severe cold, which increases the spread of illnesses amid declining health services due to shortages of medical supplies and treatments.

The Largest Share of Profits Goes to the Women Workers

Yasmin Najjar, a member of the Women’s Economy Committee in al-Ashrafiya and Sheikh Maqsoud, told our agency that their projects have been harmed by the imposed siege:
“Checkpoints of the interim government prevent the entry of commercial goods needed for the committee’s shops, in addition to the shortage of agricultural supplies, which damages the committee’s agricultural project and obstructs the normal course of life.”

The work of the committee, which aims to achieve economic self-sufficiency for women and support their ability to work, has been affected. The committee seeks to empower women so they can develop strong, independent personalities and play an active role and have a respected position and voice in society.

The working system, as explained, is based on valuing the efforts of women workers by allocating the largest share of project profits to them, while the committee takes only 25% of the profits.

Yasmin Najjar explained that all those managing the projects are women. From this standpoint, the committee strives to establish projects even if they are small, as what matters most is that women benefit and develop:
“Women are capable of managing the household and raising children, and they also possess strong management and organizational skills.”

With the onset of winter, students in al-Ashrafiya and Sheikh Maqsoud are suffering from severe cold and falling ill due to the lack of heating fuel in classrooms.

Therefore, the women of the two neighborhoods are raising their voices to express their rejection of the practices of the interim government against residents, calling for an end to this targeting.

Projects of the Women’s Economy Committee

Yasmin Najjar stated that the committee’s latest project involved planting a garlic crop, but due to the siege and the shortage of necessary agricultural supplies, the project failed.

Previously, the committee invested in an agricultural land project located in the al-Shaqeef area, managed by a woman and her husband, including irrigation, supplies, and all farming requirements, while the committee supervised the project. Additionally, the committee recently opened a small shop in al-Ashrafiya, managed by a mother of a child. However, after the siege was imposed by the interim government, the shop was severely affected, as the woman was unable to bring in goods, causing financial losses for both her and the committee.

At the end of her statement, Yasmin Najjar called for lifting the siege imposed on the two neighborhoods, stressing that the attacks and violations carried out by militants of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham primarily target the people’s achievements.

Zirgan (Abu Rasin)- Women have rebuilt their life in solidarity with each other in Zirgan, a village in the Jazira Canton of North and East Syria, revitalizing their neighborhoods and streets despite all the challenges.

In the village, old women are leaders of their society. Women sitting in front of houses share their experiences and discuss many issues such as economy, politics and the challenges faced by women due to the patriarchal mindset. Despite the ongoing Turkish attacks on their village, they are in solidarity with each other to empower each other.

The Turkish state and Turkish-backed factions launched their occupying attacks on Serêkaniyê (Ras al-Ayn) and Girê Spî (Tell Abyad) and Zirgan on October 9, 2019, displacing thousands of people. Süriya Aziz was one of the women displaced from Zirgan in 2019. She returned to the village to build her life again.

“I am very happy because the displaced people of our village have been returning,” said Süriya Aziz. “As women, we gather in front of a house to discuss the current situation in Syria. We benefit from the experiences of the elders. We also discuss the problems faced by women and how we can solve them.”

‘Women have changed the views of men and society’

Women used to be criticized when they gathered, Süriya Aziz stressed. “Now, women gather without being criticized. Women have changed the views of men and society.” Süriya Aziz thinks that the use of cell phones kills social life. “I always tell my children and my family members not to use cell phones when we come together. We must discuss issues that will benefit our society when we come together. It is important to have quality time for yourself and your family.”

Süriya Aziz also talked about the social life of those living in tall buildings. “Living in tall buildings isolates women and causes social alienation. No one sees each other or talks to each other. When I have a conversation with women, I feel happy.”

In Deir ez-Zor Governorate in eastern Syria—an area that witnessed some of the fiercest battles and widespread displacement—many women recount stories of resilience and the pursuit of stability.

Hasna al-Salem, a resident of Deir ez-Zor, told North Press that she lost her husband and one of her sons during the shelling. “I decided to flee with my remaining children to a safer area within the city,” she said. “The conditions were extremely difficult, and my greatest concern was protecting my children and meeting their basic needs despite the lack of resources.”

Over time, Hasna found work to be her pathway forward. “I began sewing clothes at home, which is my old profession. I launched a small project and, although I face daily challenges, my determination keeps me going.”

She added, “We do not want to remain victims. We want to be agents of change. Many women have become breadwinners or community activists. What we need is financial and moral support—and real empowerment in decision-making spaces.”

Azraa al-Ahmad, a young woman from Deir ez-Zor, shared her experience pursuing education and work amid the war. “I was fifteen when the crisis began, and I had to stop studying because of displacement and the destruction of schools. Later, I enrolled in educational courses, earned my basic education certificate, and continued my studies in nursing.”

“I now work in a local hospital and take part in training programs,” she said. “I believe rebuilding Syria is impossible without the participation of women. They are among the most committed to community recovery.”

Meanwhile, a woman who introduced herself as Umm Hussein, a member of the Women’s Committee of the Civil Administration in Deir ez-Zor—affiliated with the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES)—spoke about institutional efforts to support women in the post-war phase.

“In the committee, we develop programs aimed at empowering women across various fields and addressing the violations they faced during the conflict,” she said. “We confront major challenges, especially traditional attitudes toward women and the dire economic situation.”

She explained that the committee implements vocational and craft-training programs to strengthen women’s economic independence, while also enhancing their legal, psychological, and social awareness in cooperation with local and international organizations.

Despite the difficulties, these experiences highlight the central role women in Deir ez-Zor now play in community recovery. After years of devastating conflict, they are no longer passive recipients of suffering but active contributors to rebuilding their lives and supporting the social fabric.

As Hasna al-Salem concluded, “The war took so much from us, but we are still here, trying to build a new life from beneath the rubble.”

Deir ez-Zor Governorate, in eastern Syria, was among the areas most severely affected by the conflict, witnessing intense battles, the rise and fall of ISIS control, widespread destruction, and mass displacement. The prolonged instability left deep social and economic scars, with basic services, education, and livelihoods heavily disrupted.

Women, in particular, faced compounding challenges—loss of family members, displacement, restricted access to education and work, and exposure to various forms of violence and discrimination. Yet they have increasingly stepped into new roles, becoming heads of households, community organizers, and participants in local governance structures, including those affiliated with the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES).

Over recent years, humanitarian organizations and local bodies have launched programs aimed at economic empowerment, vocational training, psychosocial support, and legal awareness for women. These efforts seek to rebuild community resilience, promote gender equality, and strengthen women’s participation in decision-making following years of conflict.

Today, women in Deir ez-Zor represent a crucial force in the region’s recovery, demonstrating that post-war reconstruction is not only about rebuilding infrastructure but also about restoring social cohesion and empowering those who sustained the greatest burdens of violence.

Amed — Amid increasing challenges faced by women in urban spaces, the “Women’s Cities” project emerges as a strategic initiative aiming to reshape cities based on women’s needs and strengthen their presence in public life.

The “Towards Women’s Cities” conference, organized by the Municipality of Amed (Diyarbakır) on Saturday, November 8, addressed ways to transform cities into more inclusive spaces for women by discussing issues of urban governance, economy, public space, and collective memory.

The conference featured prominent figures, including the co-chair of the DBP party, representatives from the Free Women’s Movement, the Mothers of Peace Association, alongside civil society organizations and women from various fields.

“Women’s memory is a tool for peace, and male-dominated cities do not embrace everyone.”

Participating women discussed ways to enhance women’s freedom in urban spaces, raising fundamental questions: What does freedom mean for women in the city? What structural obstacles hinder their lives? They also explored spaces that can regain meaning through women’s memory and symbolic steps to achieve peace and societal reform by invoking women’s collective memory

The Co-Chair of Sur Municipality in Amed, Fatma Gulan Öngel, emphasized that the “Women’s Cities” project is a priority for their party, based on its political and social vision. She noted that the appointment of trustees over municipalities in 2016, 2019, and 2024 directly targeted women’s gains and the broader social culture. While municipalities had been paralyzed under state trusteeship, with the administration now transferred to the DEM Party, efforts resumed to build cities that consider women’s needs and empower them in public spaces.

She explained that cities built with a male-dominated mindset reflect a vision that marginalizes community specificities and lacks social justice. “Sur Municipality continues to monitor how cities accommodate all community groups, especially women, in free and inclusive spaces,” she said, adding, “These observations laid the foundation for our project, aiming to reshape cities based on women’s memory and needs, freeing them from male dominance in urban planning.”

Fatma Gulan Öngel highlighted that DEM-affiliated municipalities have intensified their efforts to be a voice for women and address their issues: “The co-chair system, based on equal representation, has extended its impact across multiple areas, and the ‘Women’s Cities’ project is one of its most prominent manifestations.” She added that the project aims to strengthen women’s presence as key actors in urban life and establish their role as central to change by building cities that respond to their needs and visibly highlight their presence in public spaces.

She stressed the importance of the “Peace and Democratic Society” initiative launched by Abdullah Öcalan on February 27, noting, “Success in this path requires a foundation of honesty and transparency.” She emphasized the need to remove trustees imposed on municipalities, legally recognize the co-chair system, and ensure equal access to resources, noting that a key condition for democratic construction is returning elected officials to their positions. She further pointed out that women in decision-making positions face systematic targeting, calling for an end to this practice and to attacks on women’s struggle in general.

Fatma Gulan Öngel clarified that the co-chair system faces direct attacks from trustees and represents the principle of “gender freedom”, aiming to end all forms of slavery affecting both men and women.

She affirmed that violence against women is inseparable from state violence, pointing out that this form of violence permeates all levels of life—from family to neighborhood to personal relationships. She noted that three women in the Sur area were threatened with murder on the evening of November 1 by several individuals who said, “We don’t want you in this neighborhood.” She added, “Although Sur is a historic city that embraced multiple civilizations and identities and was built on coexistence principles, what we witness today is a rise in social polarization and the return of rhetoric rejecting women’s presence in public spaces, whether in politics or on the streets, reflecting a deep societal crisis.”

Gulan Öngel concluded by affirming that local municipalities will not allow policies that marginalize women to continue, stressing the importance of direct communication with women and working to empower them. She noted that since 2015, many women were forced into isolation in their homes under a male-dominated mindset that sought to limit their spaces. “Through the ‘Women’s Cities’ project, we reaffirm our commitment to building a life in which women are active and essential, and we carry out this struggle for a more just and inclusive urban space.

Women are not alone, and solidarity is the way

On her part, the co-chair of Rîzan Municipality, Leyla Ayaz, emphasized that the “Women’s Cities” project holds great potential to bring about radical change in the structure of cities. She noted that the appointment of trustees was merely a step to marginalize women and leave them unprotected, leading to a noticeable increase in violence against them. DEM-affiliated municipalities aim through their programs to preserve women’s memory and history from being forgotten, stressing that addressing gender-based violence is a collective responsibility requiring the combined efforts of the entire community.

She highlighted that they will observe the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women by intensifying women’s struggle and strengthening solidarity among women: “We organize regular meetings in neighborhoods, meet with women, and assure them that they are not alone. Women’s centers and anti-violence networks in this city have proven that support is available and that women can face challenges together.”

She added, “As November 25 approaches, we send a clear message to every woman: ‘You are not alone.’ It is important to know the available mechanisms and not to ignore when another woman experiences violence. We are responsible for protecting each other and for noticing what is happening around us. I call on all women to be present in public spaces and contribute to raising women’s awareness, because change begins with participation.

Qamishlo — As the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women approaches, a dynamic women’s movement in the Autonomous Region of North and East Syria has, over the past years, succeeded in building a unique economic and social model that places women at the heart of development and societal transformation.

Rudin Isa, a member of Women’s Economy, affirmed that depriving women of control over their own economy is one of the most significant forms of violence against them. She described this international day as a symbol of the long struggle women have waged against all forms of oppression and tyranny, defending their dignity and their right to a free and honorable life:
“Women have always been — and remain — a symbol of giving, determination, and a force for change in the face of patriarchal mindsets that have, for centuries, attempted to marginalize their role and erase their value.”

In Qamishlo, where practical experience intersects with ideological vision, Isa asserts that the Women’s Economy project is no longer merely an initiative to launch income-generating projects. Instead, it has become a strategic path for reshaping society based on participation, justice, and equality.

This project, rooted in a long history of women’s resilience and creativity, revives the pioneering role of women as the first founders of the economy and the original creators of production, organization, and self-sufficiency. With accumulated experience and the proven success of women in managing agricultural, industrial, and commercial ventures, the features of an alternative economy have emerged — one based on cooperation and collectivity — restoring to women their strength and their right to determine their own destiny, free from dependency.

A Strategic Step Toward Rebuilding Society

Isa emphasized that the Women’s Economy project in North and East Syria goes far beyond establishing productive projects; it is a strategic step toward rebuilding society on foundations of participation and justice.

She explained:
“It is important to remember that women were the first to establish the foundations of economy since the dawn of history. Women recognized the value of work, production, and organization. They discovered agriculture, collected seeds, cultivated the land, and harvested its fruits. Through this, they built a system based on participation and cooperation, not exploitation and domination.”

According to Isa, women’s intelligence and innate intuition enabled them to understand the importance of organization, savings, and securing food for the future. They were the first to grasp the concept of economic planning — even before the emergence of money or trade. This means that the essence of economy is originally a feminine idea born from women’s need to secure life and provide stability for their community.

With time, patriarchal systems pushed women away from this pioneering role, reducing them to dependents in a male-dominated economic structure built on exploitation. Yet despite all this, women preserved the spirit of work and contribution, proving in every era that they are the foundation of production and life.

Isa affirmed that today’s Women’s Economy project continues this deep-rooted history and seeks to restore balance in society by economically empowering women:
“When women have their own income and financial independence, they gain the power to make decisions and free themselves from all forms of dependency and violence. Economy is not merely a means of living — it is a path to liberation and self-building. Women have proven capable of transforming economy into a space for struggle and creativity.”

Women as the Original Creators

She noted that all of this has been made possible thanks to the philosophy of leader Abdullah Öcalan, who — as she emphasizes — restored women to their rightful place through the concept that society cannot be free without the freedom of women, and that a free economy must rely on women’s active participation:
“Abdullah Öcalan saw women as the essence of life and the source of moral and human values. Through his ideas, we were able to rebuild the concept of economy on the basis of justice and equality.”

Isa explained that through Women’s Economy institutions, women in North and East Syria have proven their ability to manage and produce, launching successful agricultural, industrial, and commercial projects that created job opportunities and contributed to the region’s development:
“This success is clear evidence that when given the opportunity, women can create change and build a free and independent economy that serves everyone. We believe that continuing this project is the true guarantee for building a democratic and integrated society based on social justice and gender equality. Women are not only half of society — they are its foundation and the originators of the first idea upon which today’s systems are built.”

Working Mechanism

Through communes, councils, and Kongra Star, the Women’s Economy Institution works to train women and communicate with them directly to discuss their circumstances, raise awareness of their rights, and encourage them to participate in economic and social life:
“Many women come to Women’s Economy institutions seeking training and information to better understand themselves, their capabilities, and the cooperative work system within these institutions.”

Isa noted that their first step involves gathering women in regular meetings to discuss the types of work they wish to engage in — such as sewing, bakery work, clothing shops, handicrafts, or homemade preserves. Through these meetings, ideas and suitable project proposals are developed to enhance autonomy, strengthen internal organization, and conduct preliminary studies for the projects suggested by the women.

Women’s Economy institutions then evaluate these projects economically and organizationally before implementing them on the ground. Recently, women opened their own bakery in Qamishlo, alongside several other women-run projects across various productive and commercial fields. The most significant among these are agricultural projects, considered the backbone of the region’s economy.
“The main goal is to reach all women in the community through the communes and spread the concept of a free and independent economy so that no woman remains weak or dependent on others.”

A Central Role in Building a Free Economy

In conclusion, Isa stated that their work is based on the vision of Abdullah Öcalan:
“During training sessions, we begin by reading the sixth volume of Öcalan’s Manifesto, focusing on the parts discussing women’s economy and how it has been developed in recent years. The manifesto thoroughly explores women’s central role in building a free economy and how they have advanced and strengthened their presence throughout history.”

“Through these sessions, we aim to empower all women worldwide and to build a life inspired by the spirit of women who struggle, evolve, and seek change. Women must unite and stand together to achieve freedom, equality, and a society built on justice and dignity

Everything that is left over is later used as compost to strengthen the plants outside, because here, nothing is simply waste—and everything is used. Most of the people working here are women, due to their natural connection to nature. One of the women working here explains: “Women are strongly connected to nature and society; they are the ones who build, organize, and defend life. As women, we feel that plants are part of us, and we work and live accordingly.”

The Center opened in Qamişlo in 2022, inspired by the ideas of Abdullah Öcalan and as part of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria and the Kurdish women’s movement. Research into natural medicine began years earlier, and a great deal of experience and knowledge has been gathered, tested, and applied.

Often, knowledge about the healing properties of plants lies hidden within society. Patients here often come back to share new knowledge, or to express their surprise at what plants can be used for beyond the kitchen. International visitors are also constantly amazed at what is more than just weeds in their garden (at home). For example, dandelions and chicory contain valuable ingredients, but this knowledge has been lost in many parts of the world.

Outside is the heart of the Center. Here, the work revolves around the plants and the garden, which is lovingly tended with great care. People are at the service of the plants, which marks a new relationship with nature being established. The more effort and love that is put into the plants, the more they can be used for medicine. However, it is not about producing something, but rather about building a new life in a very practical way. The love for the plants is not based on anything artificial. It is based on a love for life and nature. Abdullah Öcalan’s ideas are put into practice here in an attempt to a new ecological way – a life in balance between humans and nature. Jasmin, an internationalist, says that: “Experiencing the women’s revolution here is something very beautiful and meaningful. The natural relationship between women and nature is evident here through the natural love of life. And at the same time, there is nothing more beautiful than putting your hands in the earth, feeling the plants, and nurturing the seeds of revolution.”

So while seeds grow, bloom, and dry outside, inside: medicine is produced. The rooms are filled with the results of everyone’s work. Capsules are produced, oil is bottled, and creams and ointments are made. Almost everything here is made from the Centre’s own garden. In addition to production of medicine here, sick people also visit the center. They are treated in the next room.

The medicine produced is mainly used for internal ailments: for everything except the heart and eyes. Unlike in Europe, more than just the painful area is treated, because the body functions holistically and so too does the medicine that is given.

A holistic view of the body helps to strengthen and defend it against disease. The body is understood as best able to help itself: and that medicine should help to support it in doing so. Since everything comes from nature, the body can accept the medicine well, and does not see it as something foreign. In addition to administering medicine; the work of helping people to understand their own bodies is also understood as important work here. As well as providing medicine, the illness and the effects of the medicinal plant are discussed, massages are given, exercises are demonstrated, and nutrition is discussed, with patients.

As a result, naturopathy is recognized in society and people come throughout the day to be treated or simply to ask questions and discuss. Here, people are taught that nature is close to them, and their consciousness is changed. Navenda Jiyan literally means the center of life. This is because it is the place where life begins with nature – and where change for a new life also begins.

Over recent years, the regions of North and East Syria have witnessed significant social and political changes, most notably the growing role of women in municipal and service work. This shift is part of a democratic, emancipatory project aimed at building a pluralistic society rooted in equality and social justice under a system of direct democracy.

The municipal experience in North and East Syria began in Qamishlo, in Jazira Canton, where the first municipality, under the name “The People’s Municipality,” was established on December 10, 2012, marking a new phase in managing and providing local services.

In 2015, the Municipalities Law was officially approved, mandating the application of the co-chair system—shared equally between men and women—in all municipalities. This marked a pivotal step toward ensuring women’s active participation in managing local institutions and shaping public decision-making.

In this context, spokesperson for the Women’s Council in the Union of Municipalities of North and East Syria, Fatima Ibrahim, spoke to ANHA Agency about the pioneering journey of women in municipal work from 2015 to 2025. She highlighted the major transformations that followed the first Women’s Municipalities Conference in 2016, which constituted a turning point in establishing a women-specific system within municipal institutions.

From organizational beginnings to building women’s system

Fatima Ibrahim said: “Women began their first steps through service committees within communes. Over time, their participation expanded to include all departments of the municipalities—from services to administration. This was the first step toward breaking traditional barriers and proving their ability to perform tasks with high efficiency.”

She added that the first Municipal Women’s Conference in 2016 served as a key turning point, where the initial foundations were laid for building a dedicated women’s system inside municipal institutions, paving the way for broader participation in management and decision-making.

“Since then, women’s work in municipalities has developed significantly,” she continued. “Women now participate actively in all service and administrative committees, reaching leadership positions. With each passing year, women have become a strong and influential force within municipal work.”

In 2025, the second Women’s Municipal Work Conference was held in Hasakah, producing several notable outcomes—most importantly, the approval of the internal regulations for the Women’s Council in Municipalities. This step was essential in unifying women’s work across the different regions and strengthening their role within the municipal structure.

Structure of women’s work within municipal internal system

Women’s work is organized under a comprehensive structure within the new internal system of the Union of Municipalities in North and East Syria. The system connects the Women’s Office and the Women’s Council.

A Women’s Office is established in major cities depending on the number of women working within the municipalities. Its role centers on local organization, training, and monitoring women-focused projects.

The Women’s Council is formed in both urban and rural municipalities. It consists of a chair, deputy, and spokesperson, and is responsible for all organizational, supervisory, and training aspects related to women’s work. It oversees all women’s projects within the municipalities to ensure unity, organization, and efficiency.

This structure ensures that both the office and the council operate in a complementary way, distributing responsibilities in a manner that allows women to participate effectively at all levels of municipal administration in both cities and villages.

After the internal system was approved, work began under the unified name Women’s Council in the Union of Municipalities of North and East Syria, to be applied across all regions. Its aim is to strengthen women’s participation in municipal work at every level.

Goals, tasks of council

The council’s goals and tasks include:

Enhancing cooperation and support for women in municipalities through regular organizational meetings.

Launching projects dedicated to women’s work and supporting initiatives that encourage women’s participation in society.

Organizing training and qualification courses to strengthen administrative and community service skills.

Participating in all activities against violence towards women and promoting their social role.

Maintaining direct relations with communes to help resolve community issues.

Achievements in 2025

Throughout the current year, the Women’s Council completed several development projects, including:

– Operating multiple bakeries

– Opening sewing workshops

– Establishing women’s housing associations

Opening sweets shops and tree/flower nurseries

Fatima Ibrahim added: “These projects support and empower women economically and socially by providing job opportunities, professional training, and psychological and social support.”

She concluded by emphasizing:

“These projects are not temporary—they are part of a long-term plan aimed at building a cohesive society in which women play an active role in all sectors.”

The Academy of Democratic Modernity (ADM) has posed these and other questions to Dr. Azize Aslan, an expert on the region and its economic aspects. Her published book “Anticapitalist Economy in Rojava” elaborates on these questions and is published in English and Spanish. The German version will be published in 2025.

Azize Aslan is from Kurdistan and lives in Mexico. She studied economics and did her master’s degree in development economics in Istanbul, where she supported the organisation of women’s cooperatives. Since then she has been working on issues related to women’s economy and co-operatives in Kurdistan. She holds a PhD in Sociology from the Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities of the Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla, Mexico. She received the Jorge Alonso Chair Award for her work in 2021. This interview with ADM was conducted in November 2024.

Building an Anticapitalist Economy – Interview with Azize Aslan (PDF)Download

Islamic State had taken over the city in 2014 without a fight from allied Islamist groups, led by the Al-Nusra Front. In today’s context, it was primarily the founder of the Al-Nusra Front, Al-Jolani (or Al-Sharaa), who, with the support of Al-Qaeda, made the invasion of the Islamic State possible. Today, Al-Jolani is the self-proclaimed transitional president of Syria.

During a conversation over dinner in one of the high-rise buildings in the center of Raqqa, surrounded by Arab and Kurdish revolutionaries, Aziz tells me in the dim light of a flashlight how he woke up in his parents’ house on the morning of January 13, 2014, and suddenly saw the black flag of ISIS flying over the city. For him and many others, a nightmare came true, involving every form of brutality from prohibitions, arrests, torture, and murder to rape and enslavement of women.

After taking the city, Islamic State destroyed the city’s Shiite mosques. Many of the city’s Christian churches were also destroyed, and the Armenian Catholic Church was even converted into an Islamist recruitment center. Before the Syrian civil war, Christians made up just under 10% of the city’s population. The population was now at the mercy of ISIS’s brutality: public executions, extortion, and forced recruitment were the order of the day. Raqqa became the capital of the IS caliphate. Many of the attacks in Paris, Nice, Brussels, Manchester, and elsewhere were financed, planned, and organized from here.

Aziz had to go into hiding and only escaped by chance. After a night in which contacts from the SDF smuggled him out of the city, a commando unit from the ISIS secret service stood at the door of his parents’ house to arrest him. To this day, Aziz has dedicated himself to the struggle for a free and democratic Middle East and fights side by side with Kurdish comrades in northern and eastern Syria. He told us with pride how important it is for him to overcome the old divisions between Arabs and Kurds, which were created by nationalism and the Baath regime’s aggressive Arabization and anti-Kurdish policies.

On June 6, 2017, the operation to liberate Raqqa began. A multi-ethnic army, led by the SDF and involving many young people from Raqqa and the surrounding region, liberated the city after months of fighting, which military experts later described as the most intense urban combat since World War II. By the time Raqqa was liberated on October 20, 2017, hundreds of the region’s most valuable daughters and sons, Arabs, Kurds, and Armenians, had become martyrs side by side. It is also their sacrifice that laid the foundation for coexistence as what Rêber APO calls the Democratic Nation:

“While the nation-state is a form of power organization, the democratic nation represents a model of societal governance. The nation-state relies on the engineering of a uniform, homogeneous society, whereas the democratic nation is rooted in the heterogeneous nature of a multi-identity, multicultural society. The nation-state instrumentalizes identities for power, fostering conflict and pitting them against one another. In contrast, the democratic nation is grounded in the democratic relationships and solidarity among diverse identities and cultures, freeing identities from being tools of power. In summary, while the nation-state is power-centric, the democratic nation is based on the solidarity and self-governance of communities.“
Abdullah Öcalan (Manifesto for Peace and a Democratic Society, 2025)

It was also Rêber Apo who advised the Kurdish forces within the SDF to liberate Raqqa. Despite the foreseeable sacrifices, he was convinced that the brotherhood of Arabs and Kurds was essential for a new beginning in the Middle East, and that there was a corresponding responsibility to liberate the predominantly Arab areas from the occupation of the Islamic State.

Today, eight years later, hundreds of thousands have returned to Raqqa, and many of the institutions of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria have their headquarters in the city. While schools, hospitals, the stadium, museum, mosques, and parks reopened in the first days after liberation, the first churches have been rebuilt in recent years, and academies of democratic civil society, youth centers of the Revolutionary Youth Movement, and many other projects have been implemented. The Zenobia organization, founded in 2016, organizes women in the region to enable them to live in safety and participate in social life. It has established numerous women’s cooperatives in Raqqa, including a large bakery and a cleaning products factory, which in turn finances many projects for women. While IS almost completely excluded women from public life, women now take on important tasks in all institutions and play a leading role in democratic self-government.

Of course, not all divides have been overcome, and particularly when it comes to women’s liberation, men and tribal elders of some Arab tribes remain skeptical of the revolution. One thing is clear, however: Arab women now have a clear perspective for a free life with a strong will. They have become a natural and fundamental part of the revolution. They are taking on responsibility in self-governing institutions, fighting in the ranks of the SDF, and are a symbol for the future of women throughout Syria.

The fact that brotherhood between Kurds and Arabs is essential for the future of the region is also underlined by the letter that Rêber Apo recently sent directly to the Arab tribes of the region from the prison island of Imrali, calling for Kurdish-Arab unity:

“The friendship between our peoples has lasted for centuries. Today, with your leadership, it takes on a new political and social significance.“ Rêber Apo emphasizes what this relationship should be based on today and how important the participation of Arabs is in defending the region: ”All people should be equal and free, live together, and govern themselves. Equality and justice must be built on this foundation. Kurds and Arabs should live together. This also depends on your support for the SDF. Your support for the SDF is of great importance and significance.” Today, at least half of the SDF fighters are of Arab descent, and the predominantly Arab regions of Raqqa, Deir Ez-Zor, and Tabqa are part of the self-administration. Women in these regions, in particular, have become pioneers of the Democratic Nation. Even though sleeper cells of the Islamic State continue to pose a security risk and media campaigns by Turkey and others target the alliances between Arabs and Kurds, a few weeks ago we sat down again with revolutionary youth, Arabs, Turkmen, Kurds, Basques, Portuguese, and Germans over dinner and discussed how much the Democratic Nation in North-East-Syria has already become a reality.

Some days ago, I attended the demonstration of the Young Women’s Movement in Raqqa. Kurdish and Arab women, some in military clothing, some veiled in burkas, demonstrated together. As different as their appearances were, it became clear in the young women’s shared chants: all of these women draw their strength from Rêber Apo and organize themselves according to his philosophy of “Jin Jiyan Azadî – Women Life Freedom.” This image is the result of a serious struggle.

On the day of the anniversary of Raqqa’s liberation, we bow our heads to those who lost their lives in the liberation of the city and look with awe at the achievements of the revolution. Side by side, young people from the region in particular have overcome the divisions between Arabs and Kurds, thereby changing the fate of the entire region. Today, Raqqa is liberated, but the road to the liberation of the Middle East is still long and unpredictable. However, undeniably important steps have been taken in recent years. Rêber Apo’s vision of a democratic nation has become a reality in North East Syria and shows the way to a democratic Middle East.

Internationalists who fell during the liberation of Raqqa and in battles around Raqqa:

Ryan Lock (Berxwedan Givara)
Nazzareno Tassone (Agîr Ararat)
Muzaffer Kandemir (Doğan Kırefe)
Paolo Todd (Kawa Amed)
Albert Avery Harrington (Çekdar Rojava/Neshro Hiro)
Ulaş Bayraktaroğlu (Mehmet Kurnaz)
Ayşe Deniz Karacagil (Destan Temmuz)
Hasan Ali
Robert Grodt (Demhat Goldman)
Luke Rutter (Soro Zinar)
Nicholas Warden (Rodi Deysie)
David Taylor (Zafer Qereçox)
Fermun Çırak (Nubar Ozanyan/Orhan Bakırcıyan)
Gökhan Taşyakan (Ulaş Adalı)
Frédéric Henri Georges Demonchaux (Gabar Légionnaire)
Mehmet Aksoy (Firaz Dag)
Jack Holmes (Şoreş Amanos)
Oliver Hall (Canşêr Zagros)

On the eighth anniversary of Raqqa’s liberation from ISIS occupation, marked on October 20, 2017, the voices of women from the city shed light on the profound transformations that have reshaped women’s lives from marginalization and isolation to active presence and decision-making power.

The story of Maryam Ibrahim, who transitioned from a traditional housewife to a political leader, stands as a powerful example of women’s rise in Raqqa and their determination to build a more democratic and balanced society.

Women’s Struggle in Raqqa

In an exclusive interview, Maryam Ibrahim, now Co-Chair of the Committee for Social Affairs and Laborers in the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, spoke about the journey of women’s struggle in Raqqa beginning under the weight of restrictive customs and traditions, passing through the darkest era under ISIS rule, and culminating in liberation and active engagement in politics and governance within the institutions of the Autonomous Administration.

“For many years, women in Raqqa suffered from marginalization and oppression. But they managed to turn pain into strength, and fear into willpower. The time under ISIS was a dark period in every sense of the word. Women were stripped of their most basic rights. But we emerged from that darkness to lead an unprecedented historical awakening.”

She continued: “Liberation wasn’t just from ISIS, but also from patriarchal traditions that restricted women’s movement and blocked their participation in public life. Today, women in North and East Syria aren’t just part of the administration they’re partners in political decision-making, and they’re demanding full representation in the new Syrian constitution.”

“What Has Been Achieved Must Inspire a Nationwide Women’s Revolution”

Maryam Ibrahim sees the transformation in North and East Syria as a model to be replicated across the country: “After 60 years of marginalization, injustice, and servitude, it’s time for a comprehensive Syrian women’s awakening. What we’ve achieved in North and East Syria should be the starting point of a nationwide women’s revolution.”

She added: “I personally moved from being a simple woman whose only role was raising children at home, to an administrator in the Autonomous Administration, and then a delegate advocating for the rights of all Syrian peoples. This leap wasn’t easy, but it proves that change is possible when there is the will.”

She concluded her message with a call to all Syrian women: “Don’t wait for anyone to give you your rights—take them. The historical opportunity is in our hands today, and a woman who doesn’t assert her presence will not find anyone who grants it to her.”

“Years of Struggle and Awareness-Raising”

Jihan Mustafa, co-chair of a commune within the Ahmad Al-Shaaban People’s Council in Raqqa, confirmed that women now play a pivotal role in community and administrative work thanks to years of activism and awareness campaigns, particularly within communes, which are the foundational cells of social organization.

“I’ve been working in the commune for three years. We’ve faced many challenges, especially the initial lack of awareness among neighborhood residents about the commune’s role. But over time, through regular meetings and awareness sessions, perceptions changed, and the work became smoother and more collaborative.

My name is Hevrin, from Derik, a city in Rojava. I studied and lived there, but now my work is in Qamishlo. I studied civil engineering in Aleppo for five years and I completed my education in 2009. After working for the government for one year, the revolution started. This was in 2011.

My family deserves the credit for my participation in the Rojava revolution; they are patriotic and have been organized for years. They always took me to meetings and social events. In other words, I have never been far away from political organizing and have always had strong roots in our society.

This may be the case everywhere in the Middle East, but especially in Rojava there still exists a strong unity and solidarity among our people. Living together, or what we call ‘communal living’ is still alive and common today. I am also part of this communal society.

These were Hevrin Khalaf’s words in the spring of 2018 when I met her. On October 12, 2019, three days after Turkey launched its military offensive into northern Syria, she was brutally murdered. According to reports by the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, she was dragged out of her car and shot in cold blood on the road. Her autopsy reveals she was shot, beaten with heavy objects and dragged by her hair until the skin on her scalp came off.

I do not know how many times I have listened to our interview recordings since I heard the horrible news of Hevrin’s death. She describes Rojava and her struggle with such pride. I wanted to hear these honorable words, because they also explain many of the reasons for the war against Rojava and Kurds. This interview is an attempt to bring justice to the brave work that Hevrin Khalaf did for her people and for the people of Rojava.

I met Hevrin Khalaf (Hevrîn Xelef, in Kurdish) in the spring of 2018 when she was the co-chair of the Ministry of Economy of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, better known as Rojava. The day before, she had lost her comrade Gerdo, with whom she had struggled together for many years; she was returning from Gerdo’s house in Tirbespîyê , and I remember when she called me to say that she was sorry for being late and that she was on her way.

A lifelong struggle

While I waited for Hevrin in the garden of the Ministry of Economy, sitting in the shadow of a tree, I chatted and smoked with the woman responsible for the Asayişa JIN, the women security forces in Rojava. She looked so strong and autonomous that when I saw the ring on her finger, I must admit I was a little surprised and asked her if she was married; “I’m married, but my husband works for the community security forces in another part of Rojava,” she said. A little embarrassed, she laughingly confessed: “We forgot that we were married once the revolution happened.”

Women in Rojava have always sought to transform the revolution, which everyone knows as a women’s revolution, into a social revolution. Hevrin struggled for this all her life and was murdered while fighting for it.

I had already heard about the beauty and dignity of Hevrin, and indeed, when she arrived, her swollen eyes and sadness from crying for Gerdo could not hide her beauty, nor did her fatigue obstruct her hospitality; while greeting me, she immediately inquired if I was hungry and if I had something to eat.

During my stay in Rojava, I had no relations with money; every day I ate and drank tea in the communal kitchens of one of the many local institutions or civilian houses along the way. There, it was evident that money does not dominate all social relations. Sometimes the people in Rojava were making fun of me; joking that if I had come during the time of war and embargo, they would have only given me soup.

A society built around communes and assemblies

Along with the revolution, a social economy had been organized in Rojava. At the time of our meeting, Hevrin was a spokesperson and co-chair of the Ministry of Economy for over two years.

There are three important pillars for organizing a social economy. The first one is the economy for social needs, which unlike in a capitalist economy, is not focused on maximizing profit. The second pillar is ecology and the ecologically responsible production of society’s needs. The third pillar is the creation and control of a fair market. These three pillars are very important for the social economy, and we want to make these a reality.

Rojava is not only the territory where a revolution is taking place, it is also a territory where the idea of a revolution is being redefined. Rojava is the place where a social revolution is taking place; where the notion of the “classical revolution” — based on the idea of transforming society through the seizure of power — is rejected.

The Kurdish movement of Rojava refuses to take power; instead, it mobilizes in an organizational modality that forms a network of assemblies that allows the people to become the subjects of their decision-making processes, offering the principle of self-determination for autonomy. That is, the Kurds are rejecting the basic component of a state: its power to make and implement decisions from the top down.

In other words, unlike other parts of Syria, the Kurds are not just another armed faction, but a militant popular movement that promotes horizontal self-determination and autonomy by and for the people of northern Syria. As Hevrin explained:

We should understand the main difference between the revolution in the rest of Syria and the revolution in Rojava. Let me give you an example, last night there was a public gathering. There was a teacher from Deraa. You probably know the significance of Deraa as the spark that lit the fire of the Syrian revolution back in 2011.

However, it could not go further.

Yesterday he told us that in Deraa, after the city was liberated from the regime seven years ago, nothing else was done; no organization, no service, no administration. Only a group of soldiers arrived to rule. That means whoever has guns can has power there. Our most important difference is this.

The first thing that was done in Rojava, and later in the broader region of northern and eastern Syria after it was liberated from ISIS, was the establishment of regional cantonal assemblies in agreement with the people living there, as the subjects of their own decisions. The sanctioning of, or participation in these assemblies by armed forces, was banned by the social contract of Rojava and northern Syria.

The purpose of the popular assembly-based system in Rojava is to organize an anti-capitalist and autonomous model for a stateless, anti-patriarchal and ecological society. Democratic autonomy, which is organized around the commune, is not a political party organization or government, although it recognizes political parties. Communes and popular assemblies, which are the main bodies of societal organization, constitute a self-government.

The spirit of a democratic nation

Unlike ethnic and religious conflicts that have transformed the Middle East into a war zone, democratic autonomy is guaranteed by the communes for all institutions of autonomous government on the basis of a “democratic nation”.

It was evident from the tone of her voice that Hevrin had captured the spirit of the democratic nation, just like her Assyrian comrade Gerdo:

Ever since the movement began organizing itself, they [militants of the Kurdish movement] have been explaining the solution [democratic autonomy] with Öcalan’s prison writings. In his work, there is a solution for the entire Middle East and Rojava. So, the political solution is already there, we just need to implement it.

This is why, when overthrowing a system, that you need to replace what was previously there with an alternative vision. If you don’t have an alternative, what you’ve destroyed might turn into something worse.

In other words, when the revolution started and the state left with all of its institutions — it remained only in a few places — if we didn’t have our alternative system and if our people were not ready, it would have been impossible for us to achieve a real liberation by simply establishing institutions.

In order to build this alternative system, we started with Mala Gel [People’s Houses] and Mala JIN [Women’s Houses]. All the institutions of society were created separately. If our society is recognized, it is best known for the women’s organizations. So, when people talk about the revolution in Rojava, they call it the Şoreşa JIN [Women’s Revolution]. The women started by building the Women’s Houses whose aim was to organize the women’s movement.

They were formed to create the common mind of women and to emancipate them from the dark and deprived situations in which they often find themselves, and have them become the leaders of this social revolution. Because we know that when a woman becomes a leader, society becomes a leader with her and transforms itself. The freedom of women and society are interdependent.

When I joined the revolution, my first place was in the Nurî Dersîm academy, where the political formation of society took place. I worked there for a time. At that time, the autonomous government had been declared, but prior to that my comrades suggested that I should take part in it. After the declaration of the autonomous government, I became the co-chair of the Ministry of Energy.

We worked with mamoste Gerdo, whom we lost yesterday, for three months. We worked with heval Gerdo since day one of the autonomous government. Many times he would say: we started the struggle together, and we will finish it together. He was our Assyrian friend and a very good person. He was a very good person in terms of human morality.

When we would talk about the terms of the democratic nation, I always said to him: you were our first friend who understood the democratic nation even though it wasn’t an explicit part of our political program yet. Because he understood and realized this; it was part of his nature.

He came from the city of Tirbespîyê and in this city people were living together in peace, so I was observing his nature in his relationships with Arabs and Kurds, Muslims and Assyrians. He repeated many times: ‘Serok [honorary title of Abdullah Öcalan] made us aware of it, and so we are very comfortable with it. We didn’t know that as Assyrians we had such rights; we had forgotten about it, but now we know our cultural and political rights, thanks to his prison writings.’

Gerdo always said that we must defend the project of democratic autonomy. He did so very quietly, but we worked with the spirit of a democratic nation for more than four years together. He really had the spirit of the democratic nation.

If there is one good thing about this autonomous government, it is the unity of the people. An Assyrian works with the Kurds, a Kurd with the Arabs. This wasn’t something that could have been achieved easily. This alone is a revolution.

Transforming gender relations

Hevrin had learned from her mother to be strong and revolutionary. As such, she joined the resistance as soon as the revolution began and held various positions. When she was discussing the social economy with me, she said that she would no longer be involved in the economic dimension of the movement.

After the liberation of regions like Raqqa and Deir Ezzor, she was offered to be co-president of the Syrian Future Party (SFP), which aims to establish a social consensus for peace and to eliminate the hostility that was historically generated by the Ba’ath regime between Kurds and Arabs. She brought this up casually and I could tell that she did not want to quit her job organizing the social economy of Rojava and that she did not want to participate in the SFP, but that she would not reject the offer of her comrades.

She added that she felt that she had become intertwined with the people working in the economic area and that they had managed to solve many realistic problems together. However, given that many aligned Arab tribes had not accepted the system of co-presidency, she knew she had a responsibility to take her place in the party in order to fight until such a system was accepted.

The system of having a co-chair or co-spokesperson is a praxis that provides women and men equal rights of speech and decision-making and which can be seen in every institution and organizational structure of the Kurdish freedom movement and dates back to a decision taken by a Kurdish women’s organizations in the 1990s. It is the first praxis of this nature among freedom movements in the world. Hevrin said that the adoption of the co-chair system was not easy, and that it would be an ongoing struggle:

After the declaration of the autonomous government, women’s work has become more and more prominent. All institutions of the autonomous administration are paying special attention to women’s issues, but there is always one institution focused on women exclusively..We do not encourage that women’s issues should be prioritized over general ones, but we do insist that women’s issues are taken into account in every institution.

In order to rekindle the extinguished fire in the history of women, we must intervene and support women’s organizations in every way possible. Until when? Until women and men can work together equally.

For example, the co-presidency system is not accepted in many regions. It has not been sufficiently internalized, even in the many institutions that we have established since the start of the revolution. In other words, to see each other as co-chairs, to know that decisions should be taken together equally, is an idea and a practice that has not yet been fully implemented in our culture.

It works very well in some places, but remember that it is not possible to change a millennia-old mentality in just two years. For example, when we talk about co-chairs, they immediately tell us that this right is only a woman’s right. The co-chair system does not exist solely for women — because the nature of women’s work is to work collectively, it therefore also assures men’s rights. Women see the co-chair system as a way of working with men, in other words, women see the right to work together also as a men’s rights issue.

For example, when we talk about co-chairing in newly-liberated areas, there is a perception that we are doing something for women, but that is not the case; co-chairing is not just for women, it is also for men. It is true, for example, that the decision to apply the co-chair system everywhere was conceived in women’s organizational spaces and actions, but from the beginning we recognized that this system would not only be beneficial for women, but also for all people in northern Syria. So, everyone has the right to act with his or her comrade.

This type of system may be perceived like this at first because there is no other example of it in the world. Sometimes I am very surprised, for example, when my male friends say, ‘Okay, let’s not argue too much, there is a co-chair system and our female friends here should not be offended.’ When I heard this, I said ‘We must accept this system not because otherwise women might get offended, but so that men’s voices do not disappear in society.’

Co-presidency does not mean destroying men, it means transforming gender relations inside our institutions and society. In single-presidency systems, the president is either a man or a woman. Therefore, in order to achieve real transformation in autonomous government, it was necessary to decide on the co-chair system.

For example, when the autonomous government was declared, all ministries had a presidential system; one president and two vice-presidents; now there are two co-chairs and three vice-presidents. Not only in ministries, but in all institutions.

The co-chairing first started in the canton of Cizre, then Kobane and now this system has also begun in Afrin. However, of course the Afrin cantonal assembly had also worked with a de facto co-chair system from the beginning. In fact, even this was strange, as an example the first president of the Cizre canton was a man: Abdulkerim Saruhan; in Kobane also a man: Enver Muslim; but in Afrin it was a woman: Hevi Mustafa. Hevi Mustafa had a male co-chair even though the autonomous government had not yet decided on the co-chair system yet. But because she was a woman, the co-chair system was adopted de facto. It wasn’t implemented there yet. So, this tells us is that if the president is a man, they can continue as a presidential system, but if the president is a woman, she is not allowed to be without a male co-chair.

I laughed, and she laughed too; in that moment I saw the beautiful smile of Hevrin that no doubt stays with everyone who had seen it.

Even after her death, the importance of her struggle was once again made clear: Hevrin was not recognized as co-chair of the Syrian Future Party establishment, but rather referred to as the party’s “secretary general.”

She was a woman who was a co-president in her daily practice; I have no doubt that she continued her struggle with this spirit of resistance until the day she was murdered.

Hevrin Khalaf was smiling in front of me as a co-chair; this was undoubtedly the victory smile I saw in the eyes and faces of all women in Rojava; this honorable smile that destroyed patriarchy. So defending Rojava means defending that honorable smile!

Raqqa – The Free Women’s Foundation, located in the city of Raqqa in North and East Syria, on September 10 launched vocational training on plaster decoration and the making of decorative items as a form and symbol of reviving the region’s famous heritage. Ten young women participated in the training.

Art Became a Source of Livelihood

Instructor Sawsan Ahmed says, ‘Since my childhood, I have had a love and inclination for handicrafts. By recycling old items, I discovered my ability to turn them into home furniture and decorative objects. Later, I began to develop my hobby and generate new ideas using digital media. I turned to the field of wax, granite, and plaster in order to create beautiful and original pieces and sculptures, some of which are used in home decoration. Today, this has become a way for me to provide my economic livelihood.’

‘It Opens New Styles and Horizons’

Also explaining her purpose in teaching, Sawsan Ahmed says, “In the past, I only worked from home and marketed my handicrafts through digital media. When I learned that the Women’s Handicrafts Training Foundation was opened, I proposed to share my experience and skills with young women of an age to master these handicrafts professionally. The stages of making plaster sculptures are simple and easy, but they require precision and focus. First, we mix plaster with water until it reaches the right consistency, then we add colors and create the necessary pieces. We leave the mixture to dry for about 20 minutes. I believe that handicrafts made of plaster, especially with women adding their own unique style, open up new horizons for creativity and art.”

‘Women Gain Self-Confidence’

Emphasizing that the training contributes to women’s self-confidence, Sawsan Ahmed says, “Women bear the greatest burden of crises, wars, and their consequences. They now struggle with life on their own and take responsibility for their children. Therefore, these trainings help women gain self-confidence, achieve economic independence, and establish their own income-generating businesses. My future plans include designing various decorative products and participating in upcoming exhibitions. I think these works will be special and remarkable. At the same time, I aim to expand my workspace in order to develop my ideas and skills in the field of handicrafts, to train more young women, and to establish a workshop where they can realize their own projects. I especially encourage young women who are interested in handicrafts to join vocational training, because women can make use of their free time and recycle old and worn-out items into original pieces.”

‘I Feel Happy’

Trainee Yamam Abbas expressed that her reason for joining the training was her love for this idea being ‘unique and original.’ Stating that her two sisters also joined the training to gain skills, Yamam Abbas says, “This is a profession that can be done from home. Over the past few days, I have learned to make various beautiful shapes out of plaster using special molds. It is simple and enjoyable work that does not require much effort. I am satisfied with this experience. I feel happy. It becomes even more meaningful especially when it is given as a gift or souvenir.

‘Cultural Heritage is Revived’

Trainee Dunya Dervish also drew attention to the importance of the vocational trainings organized by the Free Women’s Foundation, saying: “These trainings have enabled young women to learn different professions that will help them develop their skills and establish their own businesses. My interest was drawn because the training has a unique idea that is different from others. Plaster is an ancient heritage in handicrafts. In ancient times, people decorated their homes with plaster statues because they had no other alternatives. Therefore, these trainings contribute to the revival of the cultural heritage of the region.”

Expressing her satisfaction with participating in exhibitions, Dunya Dervish says, “We are currently preparing for upcoming handicraft exhibitions. We are working to produce handmade decorative pieces with original and beautiful ideas. I will participate with four of my works and I especially hope to inspire young girls; because these are works created with the creativity and sensitivity of women. Women’s hands and ideas bring out creativity and art wherever they are. They add light, life, and color to dark objects. After completing the training, I aim to start my own project and market the ideas I produce through digital media.”

Al-Hasakah — In the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, where women have faced war and crises for over fourteen years, their role is not limited to rebuilding life—it extends to protecting the environment. In the Jazira region, municipalities adopt a democratic environmental model that empowers women, based on the philosophy of Leader Abdullah Öcalan.

Under this approach, municipalities are not merely central governmental institutions, but independent spaces that pulse with the will of the people, women, and communities. Through this model, women reshape municipalities as centers for environmental and life protection, embodying the spirit of resistance and social and environmental justice.

Leader Öcalan emphasizes in his definition of democratic freedom the necessity of organizing municipalities through communes and councils. This model has been implemented in the municipalities of North and East Syria under women’s leadership, ensuring equal representation in decision-making. Municipalities do not merely provide technical services—they also set policies that promote the environment, society, and women’s freedom.

Berivan Omar, Co-Chair of the Union of Municipalities in Jazira, emphasized the importance of environmental protection, highlighting the crucial role local leaders must play in ensuring a healthy and sustainable environment for all. She drew attention to the deep historical connection between women and nature, considering women the foremost defenders of the environment. Amid capitalist policies that continue to destroy cities and nature, women lead municipal projects aimed at building harmonious, clean, and sustainable cities.

Women and the Environment: Local Leadership Towards Sustainable Development

Berivan Omar noted that the capitalist system has corrupted human life, while women strive to build a new balance between humans and nature in response to this system. “Throughout history, power has been linked to the domination of both nature and women; yet, women cannot be separated from nature. We see women in political spheres as the foremost defenders of the environment.”

She added that as local leaders, women work to achieve harmony between civic life, urban expansion, and nature, responding to the multiple crises left by capitalist life and major cities. “This approach is reflected in municipal efforts, particularly through the Women’s Office, which continuously seeks to enhance green spaces, increase cleaning efforts, and focus on the environment in general.”

“Women Are More Connected to Nature and Protective of It”

Berivan Omar pointed out that the co-chair system and women’s representation in municipal councils have given women an active role in decision-making. This change has strengthened women’s participation in environmental, agricultural, and sanitation issues since 2012, especially following the establishment of the Autonomous Administration.

She explained that women have provided significant support in developing these areas, and their efforts continue today. This system enables women to have a direct impact within municipal councils, where their presence in discussions is influential, especially when they hold a majority, making their opinions central to all parties involved.
Omar emphasized the importance of women’s role in decision-making, noting that their decisions often have a positive and effective impact, particularly when analyzed from a perspective that considers the future of women and children, making them more inclusive and sustainable.

She added that this approach differs from male-led decisions, which often focus only on the technical aspects of construction and urban planning. The co-chair system ensures the continuity of this balance, with women participating in over 50% of municipal work, enhancing their presence and ensuring broader protection of community interests.

“Women in Municipalities: A Powerful Voice in Environmental Decision-Making”

Berivan Omar stressed the importance of having a Women’s Council and a dedicated environmental platform within the Union of Municipalities. This organizational framework ensures that women’s projects reflect their visions and respond to community needs. “The Women’s Council within the Union of Municipalities was established, with offices organized to focus projects on building clean and beautiful cities and making effective environmental protection decisions.”

She noted that women’s participation in these platforms often stems from a deep belief in the importance of environmental protection and the necessity of coexistence among all living beings, enhancing the prospects of sustainable nature preservation.

Omar pointed out that municipalities play a pivotal role in serving the community. “Their establishment was one of the first steps in building the Autonomous Administration system, which forms the foundation of local governance.”

She highlighted the law issued in 2024, particularly Article Four, which grants expanded powers to local officials, enhancing their ability to provide better services. “This expansion requires municipalities, when proposing any project, to organize participatory meetings involving all relevant parties from municipalities, councils, committees, and organizations to ensure project implementation aligns with community needs.” She confirmed that the role of local leadership has significantly evolved, and community services have become more effective and organized thanks to this participatory decision-making model.

“Environmental Protection: A Collective Responsibility and a Necessity”

Berivan Omar emphasized that trust in local leadership is fundamental to successful municipal work, stressing the importance of community involvement in all municipal activities. “We cannot achieve effective results without the support and participation of residents in project implementation. Without this interaction, we cannot meet the city’s needs or work according to its requirements.”

She added that building trust between citizens and local officials is essential because the people lead the municipality, and municipal employees implement the decisions made by the community itself.

In conclusion, Berivan Omar underscored that environmental protection is not merely an option but a fundamental necessity to ensure human health and the development of civic life, affirming that environmental preservation should be at the heart of any developmental or urban project.

Several commune co-chairs in Qamishlo highlighted their central role in organizing local society, emphasizing that communes strengthen community ties, foster dialogue, and provide solutions to everyday challenges.

Öcalan’s philosophy empowers women

Jihan Ahmed, co-chair of the Martyr Liwan Commune, said the commune reflects the thought and philosophy of Abdullah Öcalan. She recalled his words: “When I am released from Imrali Prison, I will establish a commune and become a member of it.”

She described the commune as the foundation of social life, supporting people, organizing their daily needs, and resolving problems. Jihan noted that communes include a range of committees, such as those for women, protection, health, labor, and social relations.

She stressed the need for stronger public engagement to develop communes and overcome challenges, pointing to weak participation in meetings and marches. “The Autonomous Administration has decided to organize weekly home visits every Sunday to strengthen communication and cooperation,” she said.

According to Jihan, Öcalan’s philosophy—placing the commune as the first step after his release from Imrali—was essential to women’s liberation and laid the groundwork for major achievements made possible through the Rojava Revolution. She called for more effective commune-building and broader public participation.

‘Communes organize communities’

Leyla Suleiman, co-chair of the Martyr Shevger Commune, said communes organize communities to tackle daily challenges through committees on protection, social relations, and essential services.

She explained that each committee carries out specific duties: the protection committee ensures security, the social relations committee resolves family disputes, and the services committee provides essential needs such as bread, water, and fuel.

Leila underscored the importance of continuing education within communes, noting Öcalan’s emphasis on their role. She added that the Autonomous Administration organizes regular visits to enhance communication between institutions and residents.

Greater public involvement needed 

Perwin Jamil, co-chair of the Martyr Raed Commune, echoed these views, affirming that communes are the cornerstone of society, present in every neighborhood and governed by the co-chair system.

She explained that committees work according to their mandates: the women’s committee organizes activities, raises awareness, and addresses women’s issues, with members appointed through Kongra Star. Other committees manage daily life and respond to residents’ needs.

Perwin emphasized that communes maintain strong ties with councils and institutions, urging greater public involvement and active engagement to strengthen these grassroots structures.