Qamishlo – With the massive wave of displacement and the strain of economic blockade, women have moved to the forefront of community life in the city of Qamishlo in Rojava. From organizing shelters and securing daily necessities to supporting the local economy, their strength has become a key driver in sustaining life and mitigating the impact of the crisis on the city.

In every wave of displacement, losses are not measured only by the number of empty homes, but by the scale of the disruption that affects both the social and economic balance. With the arrival of thousands of displaced families from the Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh neighborhoods to the city of Qamishlo, the city has turned into an open space of living pressure. Women have emerged on the front lines of the daily struggle to maintain the continuity of life and prevent its collapse.

Ghalia Mahmoud Al-Najjar, a member of the Women’s Economy Committee of Kongra Star in Qamishlo canton, confirmed that the regions of North and East Syria have witnessed a large wave of displacement of Afrin residents from the Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh neighborhoods as a result of the military escalation launched by the jihadists of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham. This forced large numbers of civilians to head toward the city of Qamishlo, placing exceptional burdens on the region’s living and economic infrastructure.

She explained that the heavy influx of people coincided with the closure of major roads and crossings:

“Supply chains were severely disrupted, which was directly reflected in the availability of basic commodities, especially bread, heating materials, and cooking oils. This paralyzed market movement and increased economic pressure, effectively pushing the city into a suffocating living blockade.”

The supply, economy, and agriculture institutions, in cooperation with the local community, have tried to regulate the limited resources and prevent the crisis from worsening. However, the biggest challenge has been securing shelter and essential needs for the displaced.

“Many were forced to stay in schools, places of worship, or unfinished buildings, amid bitter cold and a severe shortage of heating means.”

Women, as shown, have borne the greatest burden of displacement. Their responsibilities in family care and meeting children’s needs have doubled under harsh psychological and economic conditions for which they were not prepared. Nevertheless, they have played a central role in social cohesion.

“They have helped organize shelter centers, protect children, support the community, participate in guarding and logistical support for fighters, prepare food, and maintain an active presence in community-based economic activities.”

Al-Najjar pointed out that this experience has revealed women’s ability to transform into an effective economic force. Women’s institutions are working to empower women—especially the displaced—through small projects that ensure independent income and reduce the impact of displacement. A large percentage of local economic activity is now led by women despite scarce resources.

She also noted that social solidarity has partially alleviated the severity of the crisis. Bakeries have continued operating, and traders have provided facilities as much as possible, in a collective attempt to prevent the collapse of living conditions.

“The current phase requires broad cooperation to overcome political, social, and economic challenges.”

Ghalia Al-Najjar concluded by stressing that the primary goal is for people to return to their homes:

“The land is not merely a place to live; it is the foundation of economic and social stability. The resilience and solidarity of society are the real guarantee for overcoming this phase with the least possible losses.”

The Rawesta Women’s Cooperative, established under the leadership of the Association for Solidarity with Families of Prisoners and Convicts (TUHAY-DER), continues its work. The cooperative brings together women whose relatives are in prison, enabling them to take part in collective production, with the income generated used to support prisoners’ families and prison[er]s. Aiming to expand production in the coming period and reach more families of prisoners, the cooperative also seeks to extend support to detainees from Rojava and Eastern Kurdistan (Rojhilat) whose relatives are not present here. Working under the motto, “We know the taste of labor, ecology, and solidarity,” the cooperative aims to spread this initiative to cities across the region.

The idea emerged during family visits

The cooperative was established based on collective labor and solidarity in response to the economic deprivation experienced by women with relatives in prison. Yeter Erel Tuma, co-chair of the association, spoke about how the idea for the cooperative emerged and the process of production. Tuma said the idea of forming a cooperative took shape during family visits, explaining that women who struggled to care for their imprisoned relatives, were unable to attend prison visits, and were grappling with deep poverty came together out of the need to produce collectively. She described the initiative as “a project developed on the basis of collective labor and solidarity.”

We wanted to build a model based on a communal structure

Tuma said poverty is one of the fundamental problems in this country [Turkey] and pointed to the reality that women in Kurdistan are being systematically impoverished as part of a special war policy. Tuma said: “It has become inevitable to build a structure through which women can break out of this poverty by organizing themselves, by organizing one another and their labor. We could have established this structure as a company or another type of economic enterprise. However, we are aware that cooperativization is one of the most important tools for local development. We wanted to build a model that expands solidarity and is based on a communal structure.”

Women both work and expand support

Tuma said that collective meal production is currently carried out within the cooperative, noting that food is prepared for weddings, condolence gatherings, restaurants, public kitchens, trainings, and congresses. She added that the income generated covers all the cooperative’s expenses. Tuma said, “We place a particular emphasis on solidarity. All the women who contribute their labor within the cooperative have relatives in prison. These women are directly connected to the association and are relatives of prisoners who are members of the association. By organizing here, women aim to become economically stronger. This stems from the need to be able to support their relatives in prison and to attend prison visits.”

A solidarity commune is being formed

Tuma said the cooperative has another important goal, noting that the income generated is first used to cover all expenses and operational costs. She said, “While the women working here try to support their relatives in prison, they are also forming a solidarity commune for prisoners from Rojava and Eastern Kurdistan whose families are not present here.”

We want to expand solidarity through our own strength

Aslı Çelebi, a relative of a prisoner who works in the cooperative, said that being part of this initiative, where both women and families stand on their own feet, has given her great hope. Çelebi said that they produce, earn, and share without being indebted to anyone, and that they act in solidarity. She continued: “We established this cooperative with the spirit and idea of the commune. Here, we are doing everything we can to expand both production and our collective efforts. With the work carried out here, we want to reach more families of prisoners. We want to stand on our own feet without being indebted to anyone. Today, we cannot reach all prisons, and we cannot provide support everywhere. Through this cooperative, we want to support the prisons or prisoners we cannot yet reach, and we aim to do this through our own strength. We will gradually expand the areas of production. By standing side by side with families, we want to grow this place together. Together with the families of prisoners, we want to both produce here and expand solidarity. Now, seven women are working here, but through the production we carry out, we aim to reach all women.”

Zirgan (Abu Rasin)- Women have rebuilt their life in solidarity with each other in Zirgan, a village in the Jazira Canton of North and East Syria, revitalizing their neighborhoods and streets despite all the challenges.

In the village, old women are leaders of their society. Women sitting in front of houses share their experiences and discuss many issues such as economy, politics and the challenges faced by women due to the patriarchal mindset. Despite the ongoing Turkish attacks on their village, they are in solidarity with each other to empower each other.

The Turkish state and Turkish-backed factions launched their occupying attacks on Serêkaniyê (Ras al-Ayn) and Girê Spî (Tell Abyad) and Zirgan on October 9, 2019, displacing thousands of people. Süriya Aziz was one of the women displaced from Zirgan in 2019. She returned to the village to build her life again.

“I am very happy because the displaced people of our village have been returning,” said Süriya Aziz. “As women, we gather in front of a house to discuss the current situation in Syria. We benefit from the experiences of the elders. We also discuss the problems faced by women and how we can solve them.”

‘Women have changed the views of men and society’

Women used to be criticized when they gathered, Süriya Aziz stressed. “Now, women gather without being criticized. Women have changed the views of men and society.” Süriya Aziz thinks that the use of cell phones kills social life. “I always tell my children and my family members not to use cell phones when we come together. We must discuss issues that will benefit our society when we come together. It is important to have quality time for yourself and your family.”

Süriya Aziz also talked about the social life of those living in tall buildings. “Living in tall buildings isolates women and causes social alienation. No one sees each other or talks to each other. When I have a conversation with women, I feel happy.”

The term Fez’a is an Arabic word that, when translated directly, means “help and solidarity.” In the Deir ez-Zor Canton, the roots of Fez’a culture lie deep within traditional tribal customs. This practice, which emphasizes mutual aid during times of mourning, celebration, agricultural work, or home construction, forms the foundation of communal life in the region. Fez’a not only fosters cooperation among neighbors but also activates a sense of collective conscience by encouraging humanitarian support for those in need, particularly poor and vulnerable families.

Acts of assistance and solidarity are carried out spontaneously, without invitation or formal planning. For this reason, the people of the region preserve and uphold Fez’a as a legacy of an ethical and political society.

Women and youth play an active role

In the Fez’a tradition, women and young people play an active role in all forms of communal life, from building and repairing homes to organizing social campaigns and participating in harvesting and planting.

Elders also have a significant place in this culture. Drawing on their long life experiences, they offer guidance and wisdom through advice and storytelling.

Khalid al-Ibed, a resident of Hajin (Hecîn) in Deir ez-Zor Canton and a leading participant in preserving the Fez’a tradition, told ANHA News Agency: “We help each other because we see ourselves as responsible for our land and our people. Fez’a is still a living and beloved tradition in our society. What we practice is not short-term or temporary aid. It is a symbol of solidarity between families, relatives, and neighbors. Since childhood, we have witnessed people coming together during the harvest season, while picking cotton, or in many other tasks that require collective effort.”

As an example of this tradition in action, al-Ibed added, “Today, a group of young people from Hajin gathered to harvest barley by hand in a neighbor’s field.”

He emphasized that they do not wait for help from outside sources: “We offer assistance to our neighbors, relatives, and community as a humanitarian duty. And those we help return the favor with the same sense of responsibility. This is not a new tradition, it is a valuable legacy passed down from our ancestors, and we want to preserve it.”

Anas Abdullatif, another community member living in accordance with the Fez’a tradition, expressed similar views: “We do not see helping others as a simple or temporary obligation. This tradition, which prevails across our society, is based on the principle of living together that we inherited from our elders and our tribal heritage. We want to pass it on to our children. We are a people who sustain this tradition as a living history, without distinction between old and young, men and women, everyone participates according to their ability.”

‘Like a flowing river…’

Anas Abdullatif likened the act of helping others to a flowing river and stated, “If the river stops flowing, it dries up. That’s why we try to raise our children, the next generation, in accordance with the Fez’a tradition. We are working to build awareness among them based on solidarity and our principle of living together. For us, abandoning the Fez’a culture means abandoning our roots.”

He also expressed hope that the Fez’a tradition, as a model of communal life, would remain relevant within society and that the humanitarian values it fosters would extend beyond the region. He said, “Fez’a should not be seen as an ordinary tradition. For us, it is a school where we learn the values of humanity and the meaning of communal life through solidarity.”

36 families in Raqqa established a cooperative with the support of the Cooperatives Committee under the Council of Agriculture and Economy. Through their cooperative, the families brought to life a bakery project called ‘Life Bakery Cooperative‘. The bakery will serve many families in the canton.

The bakery officially opened on Monday, 4 August, with a ceremony attended by co-chairs of the Cooperatives and Raqqa Economy Committees as well as local residents.

The bakery will operate daily from 6:00 a.m. to 3:00 p.m., and 8.2 tons of flour have been allocated for its use. It will produce 8,750 loaves of bread per day, which will be distributed to all neighborhoods in the canton and to areas where displaced people from Afrin live.

The opening ceremony began with a moment of silence, as the news agency ANHA reported. The co-chair of the Cooperatives Committee, Ebdulxefûr Romî, welcomed the participants and emphasized the importance of the cooperative.

Romî said: “The Life Bread Cooperative is the fourth bakery cooperative to be established. Similar cooperatives were previously launched on 23 February in Ferdos and Selhebi. These bakery cooperatives produce a total of 25,400 loaves of bread daily, which reach thousands of families through designated representatives.”

He added that about 90 families are currently employed in bakery cooperatives. Romî also noted that the Cooperatives Committee is active not only in baking but also in agriculture, livestock, and small trades. They also provide support in seasonal production, olive production, and poultry farm management.

Romî added that the “Xeyrat Cizre Mills Cooperative”, which produces 30 tons of flour daily, is also operational. He concluded by thanking the Council of Agriculture and Economy and wished success to the newly opened cooperative.

For years, the village, under Syrian government control, suffered from official neglect after water pumping stations stopped operating in 2011. With no response to repeated appeals, residents were forced to drink untreated water directly from the Euphrates River—a source increasingly polluted and linked to widespread illnesses, including kidney disease, gastrointestinal infections, and skin disorders.

Jassem Khalifa al-Hussein, 40, a resident of the village, told North Press that they had no other choice. They did not drink the water because it was clean, but because they had to.  

“Since 2011, water has not reached our area, despite appeals and pleas for help, and despite the illnesses that have spread,” Khalifa said. “No one has responded to our requests or offered an initiative. This is a community-led initiative, an idea born among the villagers so we could rely on ourselves.”

The initiative, supported by contributions from local residents, community leaders, and expatriates, is the first of its kind in the area to be entirely self-funded. The Water Authority in Deir ez-Zor is providing technical oversight, while villagers cover the costs. Construction of the sedimentation basin alone has reached about one billion Syrian pounds (approximately $100,000), with work ongoing and no final budget yet set.

In acts of solidarity, one resident donated the land for the station, while another gave part of his property to open an access road for transporting construction materials. Once completed, the station is expected to provide clean drinking water to around 1,500 homes—serving roughly 7,000 people—and end years of reliance on unsafe sources.

Neighboring villages, such as al-Kharita, face similar shortages. “We depend on the Shumaytiyah Station, but it only supplies water one day a week,” said local resident Abdulkarim al-Shaibi. This forces many to either draw directly from the river or buy costly tanker water—a reality common across much of western Deir ez-Zor’s countryside.

Residents hope their project will inspire similar community-driven initiatives across the region, improving infrastructure and basic services so that local communities are no longer left vulnerable to recurring crises.

Living solidarity through art means socialising art not only through its content but also through the way it is produced and shared. This begins when the artist is no longer a distant individual but becomes part of collective life. One of the clearest examples of this is the cultural and artistic work in Rojava. What makes it powerful is its ability to reconstruct the sociological bond between the audience and the artist, breaking the fourth wall in the process. Art becomes freer when it belongs and when it draws closer to people.

Imagine a neighbourhood workshop today: creating a mural with children, building a stage in the countryside through collective effort, or playing music in the streets without seeking profit. All are practical forms of solidarity in art. In this approach, the sociological reality that art transforms into is no longer an aesthetic game of the elite but becomes the labour, voice, and imagination of the people.

In a system where art is commodified and sacrificed to competition, socialist art becomes the justice of collective creation and shared thinking. To live solidarity in art is to make art life itself. The real issue lies not in the absence of production, but in the disconnection of our art from life. This disconnection prevents the emergence of a strong aesthetic attitude and fails to foster an ethical stance. It stems from the growing dominance of individualism. This path only gains meaning when walked together.

Moreover, it is not enough for an artist to merely reflect this understanding by changing the subject of their work. Addressing social issues is not sufficient—the act of creation itself must become collective. In staging a play, it is not only the director but also the lighting technician, the set designer, and the audience who must have a voice. Any art that is not created through collective intellect and shared effort inevitably falls back into the grip of individual production.

Today, many young art collectives and aspiring artists are exploring new paths in line with this approach. By producing works independently of both power structures and market relations, they transform the audience from mere consumers into active participants. Communities converting empty shops into theatres in the outskirts of European cities, open-air cinemas in rural areas, or volunteers painting the walls of village schools. These are not just artistic activities, but the seeds of a new network of social relations. We are not bound to use the fixed forms of art that have been handed down to us.

The songs sung by Martyr Delila for her people and the newsreels of Dziga Vertov in Soviet cinema reflect the same tradition. Both responded sincerely to the questions of “what for” and “for whom” in art. Keeping this legacy alive today requires more than remembrance; it demands reconstruction. Art is not only a means of expression, it can become a comrade in the social struggle.

Collective art does not deliver pre-packaged messages to its audience; it invites them to think, question, and even create. This is why Bertolt Brecht transformed theatre into a space of action. Today, new forms of art must be developed where the audience steps onto the stage, and the boundaries become blurred. Our traditional dengbêj (Kurdish oral storytellers and bards) singers, who brought together communities and society, fulfilled this same function. In those times, art held a more democratic and socially rooted form and purpose.

The democratisation of art begins with remembering that it is a right for all. Therefore, solidarity in art is not only about the artist’s intention but also about the way society is organised. As long as cultural policies surrender artistic production to the sponsorship of major capital groups instead of supporting the creators themselves, art becomes commercialised. In such a system, if we sing, we run to stages; if we paint, we are confined to galleries, practicing an art that is closed within four walls, devoid of faces and of life.

In today’s realities, a solidarity-based art can survive only through alternative structures and networks of mutual support. Grants and funds are not what sustain the artist; it is the solidarity of the people that nourishes, strengthens, and gives soul to the work. What ultimately emerges from this process is a deeply social system. For those of us who create, our understanding of what is new and transformative must be rooted in connecting art with the people, including them in its process, and focusing on the artistic growth and collective creativity of society.

Organising music tours through communal effort, printing fanzines through mutual support, or creating free, open workshops, all of these represent this living spirit. These acts show that solidarity in art is not a nostalgic ideal from the past, but a vibrant and ongoing practice.

Living togetherness in art means embracing unlimited creativity, an enduring desire to produce together, and a sincere bond with the people. Social art stands where the aesthetic and the ethical converge. It is not limited to what is merely beautiful or what is simply right; it brings to the stage the living tension that is born from the clash between the two. Rather than fleeing from contradictions, social art moves forward by making them visible.

Art and artists can walk side by side, deepening each other through mutual support and shared purpose. In a world where art is increasingly individualised, collective creation remains both an act of resistance and a source of hope. As long as we continue seeking ways to understand one another rather than merely express ourselves, collective art will remain with us. And this search does not belong only to the stage or the canvas, it lives in the streets, in schools, in our institutions, and everywhere people gather.

Jinwar was officially opened on 25th November 2018, but the process of its establishment was a longer journey. The idea of building a women’s village was inspired by proposals of Abdullah Öcalan and discussed for a long time by the Kurdish Women’s Movement. With the 2012 Rojava Revolution, including the establishment of the self-administration and the withdrawal of the Baath regime from most areas these ideas became more realizable. Concrete plans started in 2016 by an initiative of different women organizations – Kongra Star, the Free Women’s Foundation, the Jineolojî Academy and the Martyr Families Council. The land, which had once been confiscated by the state, was initially cultivated after the revolution by an agricultural cooperative of Aboriya Jin (women’s economy committee) and then donated to the project.

In 2017 the construction of the village started. The houses of the village were built in a traditional way by forming bricks out of earth, water and straw. Some of the buildings were decorated with murals showing the spirit and the message of the women’s village. For example the image of Şahmaran as the bearer of an ancient knowledge symbolizes women’s struggle, strength of transformation and wisdom. The building process of this village connects to a long history of women’s struggle in Kurdistan, to the efforts and sacrifices of many women.

“Women are strongly connected with society – they are the ones organizing the basis of life, inventing methods and tools to solve problems in society and creating bonds of solidarity and mutual support. We are getting connected to this role again, organizing our life together, supporting each other and sharing our knowledge with each other.” says Sirîn, a woman currently living in the village. She came as a language teacher to the village. Previously she lived in Qamishlo where she was a school teacher, first under the rule of the Baath regime and then as part of establishing the new education system in the Kurdish mother-language in the system self-administration. Now she is teaching reading and writing, as well as other subjects, to the mothers and children in Jinwar in their own mother-tongues, both Arabic and Kurdish.

The life in Jinwar is based on communal values and principles such as ecology, democratic self-organization, women’s economy, women’s health, education and the building up of a common future. The women share their knowledge about gardening and ecological ways of growing fruits and vegetables. At the same time, their aim is to build a self-sustainable life that offers independence on an economic level. The women of Jinwar are building up a communal economy by working hand in hand with other cooperatives in the region. Furthermore, they run a bakery, a small village store and dry vegetables for the winter which are also sold. All decisions concerning the daily life, activities, new ideas and the village economy are discussed and made in the village council assemblies. The children and the youth have their own assemblies and spokespersons in order to participate in democratic decision making processes.

Connected to the village, is also the health center ŞifaJin (Healing of Women). The natural healing and health center opened in 2020 and has rooms for treatments, consultations, educational work, and the production of natural remedies. The project also includes a garden where medicinal herbs are cultivated. ŞifaJin’s ambulance ensures mobility in urgent cases and the cooperation with women from surrounding villages to collect and share traditional natural healing knowledge in connection with modern knowledge and treatment methods.

“The life in Jinwar is an example for women living and organizing together and finding their strength together. It is a place that shines around the world. Being here and talking to the women here, I really feel freer and hopeful. It is clear, we need more places all around the world like this village. It is our task as internationalists to build up these places everywhere and establish a network of connection between them”, concludes Julia after her visit at Jinwar.

More information and impressions about Jinwar, you can find here or here.

Dêrik, a city in northeastern Syria, is inhabited by Kurds, Syriacs, Arabs and Armenians. The city offers a peaceful life with its calm nature, clean air, mountains and valleys and cultural diversity.

Despite all the challenges, the city has become one of the symbols of peace in the region controlled by the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES). The coexistence of different ethnic communities in the city reinforces strong solidarity and mutual respect among people.

The Vîtariya Commune built by Kurds, Syriacs, Arabs and Armenians in the city aims to strengthen solidarity among different ethnic identities in the city.

“Every ethnic group in the city is known for its own culture and language,” said Ayşa Ubêd, a Kurdish woman living in Dêrik. “The Kurdish, Syriac, Arab and Armenians have lived together in the city for years. When the revolution started in Rojava led by women, we began to play our active role in our society. The Autonomous Administration strengthened social relations without discrimination. The people in Dêrik have built peace in solidarity with each other.”

‘We celebrate each other’s holidays’

Vîtariya Commune is a neighborhood of Dêrik inhabited by Kurds, Syriacs, Arabs and Armenians. “The Vitariya Commune is mostly inhabited by Syriac people. As the Kurdish people, we respect them. We celebrate each other’s holidays and visit each other. They also celebrate the holidays of Muslims. During the rule of the Baathist regime, we faced discrimination; however, the Kurdish, Syriac, Arab and Armenian people built a strong relationship after the revolution in Rojava.”

‘We live together in Dêrik’

“Life is beautiful in Dêrik,” Corcêt Gorgîs, a Syriac woman living in Dêrik, told NuJINHA. “People from different ethnic groups live together in the city. As the Syriac people, we used to work with the Kurdish people, especially in the agriculture sector. Since the revolution in Rojava, solidarity among people has become stronger.”

Speaking about the Vîtariya Commune in Dêrik, Corcêt Gorgîs said, “The Syriac, Kurdish, Arab and Armenian people live together in the commune. Everyone respects each other. During our holidays, our Kurdish, Arab and Armenian neighbors visit us to celebrate our holidays with us. We also visit them during their holidays. There are about 200 houses in our neighborhood. The commune has various committees such as health, education and security committees. Each committee makes great efforts to fulfil its responsibilities. We will keep working to build a democratic and peaceful life and fraternity among people.”

Til Temir – Farmers begin to harvest barley when it is gold in color. Barely is a strategic crop and one of the cornerstones of global food security. Barely can grow under different climatic conditions in many countries, playing an important economic role.

The sickle, one of the most ancient of harvesting tools, consists of a metal blade, usually curved, attached to a short wooden handle. It is still used all around the world because of its simple design and low cost.

In the village of Fiwêda, located on the foothills of Mount Kizwanan (Mount Abdulaziz), people still use the sickle as a harvesting tool.

‘Insufficient rainfall negatively impact crop growth and yields’

Henan Ebdullah, a resident of the village, plants barley every year with her daughters and grandchildren. “Insufficient rainfall negatively impacts crop growth and yields,” she told us while harvesting barley in her agricultural land.

“We usually use modern machines to plant barley; however, we planted barley this year by hoeing barley because of insufficient rainfall.”

Henan Ebdullah also talked about the solidarity of the villagers. “We are always in solidarity with each other to preserve our culture and traditions. Thanks to this solidarity, our grandparents planted and grew crops and now we plant and grow crops.

We wake up early every morning and when we go out to work, we see a group of men, women, neighbors, relatives and friends, who want to support us. This solidarity shows the strong bonds among the people.”

Harvesting barley together also strengthens social and women’s relations, Henan Ebdullah emphasized. “We sing together while harvesting barley by using the sickle. Even though we are tired of working, we laugh and work with joy. It is time for harvesting barley and we have to harvest them as soon as possible.”

Van (Wan) Metropolitan Municipality has opened Kent Lokantası, a new low-cost restaurant in Beşyol Park, Rêya Armûşê district, Turkey. The restaurant offers three different dishes every day for 70 Turkish Liras [currently ~£1.50], with the menu changing daily. It will be open from 12:00 to 17:00 every day.

The opening ceremony was attended by the co-mayors of the Van Metropolitan Municipality, the heads of the district municipalities and a large number of local residents.

Speaking at the event, Co-Mayor Neslihan Şedal highlighted the municipality’s ongoing efforts to address challenges posed by the economic crisis. “We are committed to implementing projects that will alleviate the difficulties faced by our residents. Despite the obstacles created by the local authorities, we will continue our efforts to address the needs and concerns of our community,” Şedal said.

Co-Mayor Abdullah Zeydan also addressed the gathering, acknowledging the limitations of the municipality but expressing optimism for the future. “Our resources are limited, but we have a lot of work ahead of us. We plan to launch several new initiatives in the coming months. Together we will overcome these difficult times. We will support our students and stand by them,” Zeydan said.

Aleppo- Nûdem for Care and Support for People with Disabilities, an organization carrying out various activities to be in solidarity with people with disabilities and assist them overcome the difficulties in their lives, has started carrying out activities in Aleppo, northern Syria’s largest city. The organization aims to reach people with disabilities in all cities.

‘We have recorded 425 people with disabilities in two neighborhoods’

Meryem Şêx Qamber, Spokesperson of Nûdem and a person with a disability, told NuJINHA that the organization first started its activities in two neighborhoods of Aleppo. “We have already started carrying out our activities in Aleppo’s Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh neighborhoods. We have recorded 425 people with disabilities in these two neighborhoods. We have already started determining their needs. We have provided both music and painting courses to them.”

‘The number of people with physical disabilities is on the rise’

The organization also supports the people with disabilities displaced from Shahba. “We work to determine their number. The number of people with physical disabilities is on the rise. As the organization, we also collect clothes and deliver them to displaced people with disabilities in the neighborhoods.’

‘Our aim is to support all people with disabilities across Aleppo’

Nûdem also aims to be in solidarity with women and children with disabilities. “Today, we carry out our activities for people with disabilities in the Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh neighborhoods,” said Meryem Şêx Qamber. “Our aim is to support all people with disabilities across Aleppo.”

Nûdem has supported more than 100 families in Aleppo’s Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh neighborhoods.

Kurdish Shepherds started a solidarity campaign titled “We have enough for us. Donate a sheep!” to give sheep to the villagers affected by the fire between Diyarbakır (Amed) and Mardin (Mêrdîn) in which 15 people lost their lives, and almost 1,000 sheep and goats burned to death. They have already distributed 350 sheep and goats to the villagers.

The shepherds from the Kurdish majority cities of Diyarbakır (Amed), Mardin (Mêrdîn), Urfa (Riha), Bingöl (Çewlîg) and Erzurum (Erzirom), came together to show solidarity with the villages affected by the fire.

Speaking on behalf of the campaign, Mehmet Çetin Tarı said that the “campaign will continue for a while”. He added that they “travelled from village to village, and the villagers supported us. We thank them all. Our call to our people is to support our families and solidarity with our people.“

The goal of the campaign is to provide the affected villages with enough livestock so they can continue their village life after being affected by the fire. After the devastating fires, local people had stated that they were concerned about a new wave of migration, because the villagers could no longer afford to live in the villages.

Bahri Ay, one of the shepherds, said that families also need hay and barley to feed their animals and called for public support. Süleyman Şeyhan, another shepherd, stated that they did not demand money from anyone within the scope of the campaign and said that only the animals and the food needed for the animals should be sent. The shepherds distributed the animals to the affected families and paid condolence visits to the villages.

Afrin-Shehba Canton Municipality continued the practices by the municipality in Afrin in Shehba in order to respond to the needs of the people of Afrin who migrated to Shehba after the Turkish occupation of Afrin. Everything was plundered, and the institutions and organizations were closed down, while people fled their homes. In 2023, water was delivered to the people in Afrin-Shehba Canton. In addition to the camps, the construction needs (tiles, cement, etc.) of all the districts and villages of Shehba were met. The houses damaged in the earthquake were repaired, and 243 tents were set up in Berxwedan and Serdem Camp for the families whose houses were damaged (families coming from Aleppo). With the expansion of the camps, work was carried out to improve the sewage system. On the occasion of 4 April, a park dedicated to Kurdish People’s Leader Abdullah Öcalan was opened, and road work was carried out.

New water wells were opened in the villages, while water wells in the village of Aqîbê in Til Rifet, Ehres and Ehdas districts were converted into solar energy systems, and 2,666,620 litres of diesel oil were distributed. In the canton, which has 75 generators, the electricity needs of 20,605 families were met.

Elif Mihemed, co-mayor of Afrin-Shehba Canton Municipality, spoke to ANF about the municipal system established in the canton, the difficulties experienced and the year’s activities.

No more traces of mercenaries left

Shehba has been subjected to attacks by the Damascus government, ISIS and the Turkish state for many years, and the municipality is trying to create a living space for the people who came there after the invasion of Afrin. Elîf Mihemed said: “Underground and surface resources have been plundered. Water, electricity, medical intervention centers, food production and sales areas, and even a shelter roof had been destroyed.

The people of Afrin were forced to reside in Shehba, the newly liberated lands from occupation. The first work we carried out was to erase the traces left by the occupying forces and mercenaries.”

Mihemed added: “The bad air that permeated Shehba, its polluted streets turned into a cemetery, its quarries were cleaned up with much difficulty. And if the already existing impossibility was not enough, the attacks by the Turkish state and the embargo of the Damascus government were making our job even more difficult. In this process, the municipality had a great responsibility.”

Mihemed said that “there were no materials to make the city liveable again. Yet, we are trying to create these materials, but there are many obstacles frustrating this effort. The policy of the Damascus government was deepening the problems. The people were aware of this. This naturally developed responsibility and participation. The people supported their municipality. We were experiencing the full reward of public municipalism. Despite the financial and moral support of the people, the municipality had limited opportunities. We had the team and equipment to work with. Work began to quickly deliver water and electricity to people. Generators were activated to solve people’s electricity problem. Electricity was delivered to villages where it didn’t arrive. The lack of water wells and the fact that the existing ones were destroyed and rendered unusable by ISIS was also creating a serious crisis. First, we checked the quality of the water through analysis and purification. The destroyed wells were repaired and put back into service. Water tanks were installed at critical points. Efficiency was achieved by delivering water to all the people.”

‘A massacre policy is being implemented’

Mihemed continued: “Although we have a limited number of tools, we strive to get the best efficiency from the available facilities. We need big vehicles. Both the municipality and the people have experienced huge difficulties in the past six years. In particular, according to the decision taken by UNICEF on 15 February, water will not be supplied to the camps. UNICEF’s decision to cut off water, the Damascus government’s embargo, the Turkish state’s attacks not only leave people hungry and thirsty, but also mean the implementation of a policy of massacre.”

Mihemed said: “We have accelerated the work to create the infrastructure and sewerage works of the 5 camps we run. We strive to prevent our people from experiencing health problems due to cold and heat. UNICEF has been meeting the water needs of the camps for 6 years. The sudden decision to cut off water caused serious problems in the camps. It has been determined that bacteria and viruses spread rapidly. We approach this issue very carefully, and we take care not to reflect this crisis on our people. We work together with our municipality and the people of the camp to create a more livable and peaceful environment in the camp. Seminars are given on the importance and saving of water. We are also developing an understanding in order to use energy resources on the right basis, get good efficiency and protect the opportunities.”

Municipality is based on ecology

The basic policy and projects of 2023 are water-centred, said Elîf Mihemed, adding: “There are 30 water wells in the canton. Too few compared to our needs. The number of water wells that can be used in the summer months decreases to 20. That’s why some wells were made deeper. The number of water tanks was increased as a precaution. Environmental maintenance and park construction activities continue. We put special attention to areas where our people, especially our children, can be alone with nature and develop their social activities. A backup generator was provided. Our municipality also undertook the repair of the houses of our earthquake-affected families and the renovations were carried out. A solar energy system has also been activated in some neighborhoods, institutions and martyrs’ cemeteries.”

Towards a stronger municipality

Elîf Mihemed said that the projects that were planned for but could not be completed in 2023 will continue in 2024 and added: “We will implement our waste disposal project in 2024. We will continue our road asphalting project. We will create an ecological society by launching a joint medical waste project with Heyva Sor. The lighting system of the district streets will be made with solar energy. New water wells will be dug in Ehdes, Fafîn district and Berxwedan Camp. We will continue to plant saplings in villages and districts and continue the unfinished asphalt work in 2023.”

A year on from the devastating earthquakes centred around Kahramanmaraş (Mereş) in southeast Turkey, Hatay and other regions affected still bear unhealed scars, with women particularly vulnerable to ongoing hardships.

Many women are trapped in a cycle of poverty and violence, compounded by the challenges of life in temporary shelters, a dearth of job opportunities and increased burdens of care for children, the elderly and the sick, as detailed by Mezopotamya Agency’s Yüsra Batıhan and Şilan Çil on Sunday.

The initial solidarity witnessed in the immediate aftermath of the earthquakes has waned, making basic hygiene necessities less accessible for women. The shift from domestic violence in the home to domestic violence within the confines of tents and containers has left many women trapped in abusive environments. The economic downturn after the earthquakes has forced women to resort to collecting and selling scrap metal from the debris of affluent construction firms.

Resident of Hatayİlknur Kazan found solace and purpose with the feminist Mor Dayanışma (Purple Solidarity) Association during these challenging times. Kazan, who became a volunteer during her own ordeal as an earthquake survivor, is actively involved in community work for women in her locality. She highlighted the unmet needs of women in the area, stating, “The streets that were unsafe for women before the earthquake have become even more dangerous amid the ruins and lack of street lighting. The burden of care, initially tied to tent maintenance, has now shifted to the maintenance of containers, placing a further burden on women. Domestic violence in the home has transformed into domestic violence within tents and containers.”

The inability to escape from the locations where they experience violence is a significant issue for many women in the earthquake zone. Kazan noted that many women who wish to divorce cannot do so due to economic constraints and the lack of alternative housing, forcing them to continue living with their abusers. She stressed the lack of employment opportunities for women and the inadequate provision for their hygiene and health needs, adding, “Everything designed from a male perspective works against women, affecting them negatively in terms of hygiene, housing, security and physical and mental health. The responsibility of caring for children, the elderly and the sick at home, coupled with the inability to work, exacerbates their poverty.”

Kazan emphasised the importance of organising as a key need in these times, citing the powerful example of a march on the 40th day after the event, which made a significant impact globally when women voiced their collective outrage and demands publicly.

More than 6,500 families live in the Qudurbeq district of Qamishlo. There are seven municipalities, eight bakeries and a school in the district. Electricity and water supplies have collapsed since Turkey’s last wave of attacks. ANF spoke to two women from Qudurbeq about their current living conditions.

Suheyla Şukri is a member of the PYD party and said that the Turkish state’s attacks are not only directed against one people, but against the entire population of the autonomous region of Northern and Eastern Syria. She said: “The infrastructure for electricity, water and fuel was attacked. There is neither electricity nor water in the houses. Hospitals and schools were bombed. Massacres are being carried out. People should be displaced, but we have thwarted this policy. Our people will never leave the land in which they were born and raised. Our living conditions may be difficult, and people are aware that things can become even more difficult. But their will is strong. After the attacks, we no longer have any water, but the local government supplies the population with water tankers. We will not give up our country even without water and bread. After the occupation of Afrin, Girê Spî and Serêkaniye, we will not allow another city to be occupied. Our people have created a basis for their existence with their own resources and have gone through difficult processes to this day. The Turkish state is bombing the population’s livelihoods.”

Ill and scared children

Suheyla Şukri pointed out that there are children and the elderly in every family: “Water and fuel are a very serious problem. The cold weather is particularly difficult for children and older people. Many fell ill. The children are scared. School classes had to be suspended because schools are constantly being attacked. The children stay behind at school. Our old people already have more than one health problem. How will they live without a stove in this cold weather?”

The international powers are silent

Şukri added: “The Autonomous Administration has always supported the population. People also help each other. The peoples of Northern and Eastern Syria have seen through the policies of the Turkish state. People protect each other, they don’t leave anyone alone in difficult days. The international powers are silent because they are partners in the attacks carried out by the Turkish state. Institutions and organizations that supposedly defend human rights remain silent about the massacres of the population. The region’s infrastructure is the basis of people’s livelihoods. If the states present here remain silent, they should withdraw from our country. Our people do no harm to anyone. The people here just got their rights and want to live freely. Anyone who remains silent about this is no different from ISIS and is on their side. Our people must be united and fight on as one fist, with one voice.”

Behiye Hesen, who also lives in Qudurbeq, asked: “What damage have electricity, water, diesel oil, printing houses and bakeries caused to the Turkish state? The places that were attacked were the people’s livelihood. Now there is no electricity or water. Turkey calls itself muslim, but how is that compatible with Islam? Our neighbours are very old. We put in a new power line for them. This will stop when the diesel runs out. Our apartment gets electricity via a line from other neighbours. If they hadn’t shared their electricity with us, our lives would be much more difficult now. If Turkey was muslim, it would not attack people and leave them without food and water. How are people supposed to survive in cold weather without diesel? Anyone who still has diesel will use it all and will no longer be able to find fuel.”
Without diesel, there is no electricity and no well water

Hesen continued: “If we don’t keep our home clean and don’t shower, we get ill. Water is a source of life. Our neighbours have a well. To get water from the well, we rely on a generator. If the diesel runs out, things get very bad. There are many ill people. People who need dialysis treatment are in mortal danger. These people need clean water, and then the dialysis center was bombed. They cannot be treated. Our people are being killed.”

Either we die together or we live free together

Hesen added: “Shops are closed because they have no electricity. The tailor shops cannot work because of the electricity problem. Children cannot go to school. How are children supposed to know what war is? They constantly ask about school and don’t make any progress in their learning. They are scared because we basically live in the dark. They want to watch TV, but we can’t turn it on. The attacks have had a negative impact on children in every way. The Turkish state is targeting the entire population, children and the elderly. The Arab, Kurdish, Assyrian, Armenian and Circassian people will overcome these difficult days together. Our slogan is: Either we die together or we live free together. We have come together, we will not leave our country, even if we are thirsty or hungry, until we free our country from the mercenaries.”

The homes of al-Shahba district were severely damaged as a result of the earthquakes that struck areas in Bakur Kurdistan and areas of northern Syria during February of this year.

To remedy the matter, the local administration authority in Afrin and al-Shahba canton formed a committee to uncover the extent of the damage, and provided tents to families whose homes had become uninhabitable, in addition to demolishing homes that pose a threat to the lives of the people.

The Autonomous Administration of Afrin and al-Shahba canton then submitted the file for a project to build housing units for the Kurdish Red Crescent, to approve the construction of 130 housing units from donations from the people of Sulaymaniyah Governorate in Southern Kurdistan, as part of the “We Keep You Comfortable” campaign.

Work on preparing 50 units began since the beginning of last August, in the town of Babnis. Each unit is equipped with two rooms and utilities (kitchen and bathroom), and according to the civil engineer supervising the project, Shorshavan Ali, 50 units will also be built in the village of Tel-Qurah and 30 in the village of Tal Susin.

Shorshavan pointed out the difficulties they face, “When the budget for building this project was set, the prices were completely different from the current situation, due to the high exchange rate of the dollar against the Syrian pound.”

It was expected that the 5 units would be completed within 6 months from the start of work, but the continuing attacks of the Turkish occupation army and its mercenaries, as well as the siege imposed on the district by the Damascus government, prevented this, according to Shorshavan Ali.

In conjunction with the construction of housing units in the town of Babnis, work is currently underway to prepare the ground for building the units in the village of Tal Qarah.

The “We Keep You” campaign was launched in February of this year in the city of Sulaymaniyah, as a community initiative by the people of the city and its countryside, to support the people of NE Syria, against the backdrop of the earthquakes that affected several regions in NE Syria.

During the earthquake in Kurdistan (Bakur and Rojava), Turkey and Syria, at least 51,000 people lost their lives, many more were wounded and lost their homes and beloved. With this article, with warm greetings from the Andrea Wolf Institute, we want to share our tenderness and strength to all the people affected by the earthquake. Our hearts and minds are with all of them.

When we follow the mainstream news, we see that the earthquake is projected as a “natural tragedy”. They transmit the idea that nature is an external and dangerous entity. An entity that is against us and therefore one which we need to be protected from. If we rise our eyes and expand our gaze, we will realize that the earthquake is not about cold numbers and individual stories detached from political and social reality. We would see that the people most affected by it are those who live in big cities; especially in impoverished neighborhoods, accumulated in high and unstable buildings, lacking resources and infrastructure. We would realize that many of them have been previously evicted, forced to leave their land and losing the possibility to live there.

After the earthquake. the states are pretending to solve the problems that they created in the first place. To understand this, the states need to be considered as part of the current dominant system, Capitalist Modernity. In this system, as defined by Abdullah Öcalan, the capitalist market system has become the dominant system in our societies. This system has spread worldwide and into almost all areas of life, measuring everything by its economical rather than by its ethical values. The companies and states – from Turkey, Syria, other states in the region, until Europe and the USA – are using the earthquake to strengthen their power and make profit. The earthquake has dismantled this problem of money-oriented projects and policies. During years, the corruption in the construction industry has led to fast construction and unstable buildings. This corruption is not an abnormal, but an integrated part of the system where money becomes more important than lives. A reality that becomes explicit with the collapse of those buildings. Another example are the new companies of cement that have been created to re-build the cities. Capital is always flowing to where it can extract the biggest profit.

With a face of humanitarian aid the states try to hide their bloody policies. Under these masks they rearrange the region according to their own interests. The Turkish state intensified the establishment of settlements in its occupied areas in Rojava, the northern part of current Syria. A clear and perverse example is the Turkish – Qatar agreement to create the so-called “City of Dignity” in Janders district. Under the excuse of rebuilding destroyed areas, they use the earthquake as an opportunity to continue expanding their occupation. They are uprooting the indigenous Kurdish and Alevis populations and let displaced people from other areas settle there. Furthermore, they are preventing help for people on the ground; pushing division and fragmentation by creating distrust and accusations of thieves; beating those who try to help and those who are crossing the borders; blocking every help coming from society; preventing the support from the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES). These are just few examples of how the racist and fascist policies and practices manifest.¹

Once more, women and children are the ones who are suffering most from the devastating consequences of the earthquake. Acknowledging that many children have lost their parents is heartbreaking. It is even worse when we get to know the intervention of the state. In many occasions the Turkish state allied with fundamental Islamic organizations to take the custody of the children. Following their interests they send them to orphanages where they will be raised under their control. An example are the Ismael Aga organization’s residences that has been publicly denounced to insult and abuse the children. Apart from the inhuman conditions, the indoctrination of Islamic fundamentalist mindset is also highly concerning. The lack of values and caring is also seen in neglecting the women and their necessities. In the news we can see very few women taking decisions or responsibilities. But when we step on the ground, women are more than present. From the woman baking bread, women organizing the donations to the woman that has opened her house to give shelter to those in need.

These images of people supporting – especially women – show that not everything has been lies and destruction. Among the dramatic situation, gestures of empathy, care and love have been present. Mutual support has expanded: from the families, the neighborhoods, friends in the region to all around the world. People self-organizing have proved once more the strength that we, the people, have. This proves the necessity to recover the trust in our capacities; the ability to reflect, overcome and solve problems together; the awareness of our interconnections; the relations and actions that put them into practice; the questioning of our real necessities and aims connected to life.

How do we want to live? What to we want to rebuild? Do we want to live a life according to nature around us and remember that we are a part of it? Or do we want to live a life against nature forcing damage and alienation? How were our ancestors living in balance with their surrounding? What are current examples? Why are so many people pushed to live in big cities? Are big cities a solution? How can cities be in harmony with nature? How can we organize in a real democratic way?

Instead of looking just at the moment, we need a long, historical and wide perspective to answer these questions. Namely, to go back thousands of years and look at the emergence of the state and its mentality. This allows us, on one hand, to not see it as a peculiar problem of some single men in position of power. On the other hand, it becomes clearer that talking about a “natural catastrophe” killing people hides the cruelty of the state and its mentality. When we dig deeper we find that the roots of the problem lies in the distinction between human and nature. A separation that lead to the establishment of power and a ruling class.

One of the oldest examples can be seen in the Gilgamesh epic written in the 2^nd millennium BCE. Around that time Gilgamesh was probably the ruler of Uruk, one of the first cities in the Middle East. In the epic, Gilgamesh is described as a hero, who has performed many heroic deeds. He is described as an impetuous man. The citizens are forced to build the wall around the city and to realize other exhausting works. Concerning the women, Gilgamesh takes the “lord right” to rape brides on their wedding night. The inhabitants of Uruk finally call upon the Mother of all Goddesses to create a rival for Gilgamesh. When she hears the aim of the people, she creates Enkidu. This character lives freely in the forest among the animals, plants and all living beings. Enkidu is tamed by a prostitute woman, Shamat. They spend six days and seven nights and at the end Enkidu becomes a different man. She teaches him how to be “civil” and the ways of “civilization”. After this, the wild animals are afraid of him. From that moment onward, he will not live as part of nature anymore. Later on, Gilgamesh and Enkidu fight against each other. At the end, Enkidu acknowledges Gilgamesh’s superior strength and they become friends. Gilgamesh wants to continue having more fame and reputation. That’s why he proposes to his new friend to go and kill Chumbaba, the giant of the cedar forest. They end up killing the giant and many other gods of the forest. The goddess Ishtar wants to stop them but she does not succeed. At the end, Enkidu dies. In his last breathes he curses the woman that triggered the path of destruction. He is convinced that he should rather be grateful for everything. Gilgamesh, on his side, gets more afraid of his own death and continues his search for immortality. This epic is more than just a story, as mythologies are more than just stories. As much as today we use science to explain the world, in the time around 2,000 BCE, people used to give sense of the world through mythologies. In the figure of Enkidu we see how nature, and people living as part of nature, were either assimilated, in the ruling system, or destroyed. Gilgamesh on the other side, represents the “superior”, the “master”, the mentality of domination that does not only dis-attach from nature but also places itself above it. The Mother Goddess is also an other important character. During all the story she tries to defend and protect the nature and its creatures without a big success. All the attacks that she suffer represent the dis-valuation of nurture and care.

The story was written while the first cities, organized in an hierarchical way, appeared in the Middle East. The harmony of nature had been preserved through an animists belief. The consideration of our surroundings as sacred and alive entities, with soul, were in balance with life. As time passed, the cities started to arise. They were not determined to lead to power, but still little by little they favoured a life disconnected from nature. In the cities, the sacred started to be enclosed and limited to an elite in its temples. Nature turned into an entity separated from humans. The land, animals, plants and resources, became objects to conquer and posses. This was the base of the destruction of nature.

In this story we can find keys to understand the problem of the earthquake and beyond. It helps not only to understand the problem but also to look for solutions. Although money and material help is still needed, it is not enough. Neither is it enough to change our approach to nature in a superficial way. When we go deeper, we face and acknowledge the profound wounds that this earthquake has opened. There are grief processes lying in front of us. There is rage and sadness in all of us: the dead, the lack of support, the precarious living conditions, the hypocrisy and manipulation…

We also acknowledge and remark that the tragedy hasn’t been provoked by chance. And neither will this situation change by chance. That there is help to alleviate the earthquake damage is good. And it’s important that it is coming from all around the world. It reflects the international solidarity and humanity. But the question is – who and what are we going to support? Where are the help and the donations arriving? And as soon as the news are not focusing on the earthquake, what will we care about? If we do not pose these questions, we will perpetuate what is already happening. A large part of the donations are manipulated. The Turkish and Syrian state have continuously retained and appropriated the popular support. They have used a large variety of dirty mechanisms. One of them is the exchange of the popular organizations’ names on the trucks transporting aid goods with the names of radical Islamic groups. It is neither an insignificant nor a naive act. They attempt to give the image that self-organisation does not exist. There they strengthen the belief in the state and Islamic fundamentalism as if they were the ones protecting and helping.

That’s why we are willing to know and understand below the surface. To dismantle the state and the dominant mentality that suppress people and their lands.

Despite the continuous attempts, the states cannot erase popular self-organisation. We have seen – once more – that self-determination of the people works better than the existing state. That if we are willing and determined, we can create realities of our own beyond the states. This by itself is a big aim. The question is: who do we address for help and whom are we helping? We do not ask for a state to help, we are asking for the people to self-organise.

To step forward, we call for a deep reflection on how we live our lives. While remembering us as part of nature, together we can find real and practical solutions.

There will always be earthquakes, but we can make sure that in the future the damage will be less tragic. For this, it is not about building more and more high concrete buildings. Contrary, it is about building a life where we are connected with our surroundings and beyond. We don’t know the exact form of this path. But in history and the present, there are concrete examples that represent the horizon to walk through.

Indeed, we are writing this text from Jinwar, the women’s village in the AANES. A village, that is part of the women’s revolution. It was built up from below following the traditional way of building houses and being aware of the materials used. All the houses are facing each other in a circle, materializing the communal life. Next to the houses, there is a bakery, a vegetable garden, trees and medical plants. There is also ShifaJin, the healing center of women and children, which guarantees that the villagers can care about their own wellbeing. Jinwar is one example of building a self-sustainable life. It rises in a specific place, a specific moment and is embedded in a revolutionary process.

The earthquake calls for the emergency to find answers for the question all around the world: How and what do we want to build to walk through a communal and free life. To answer this question and revert the current situation, those silenced and undermined have to take the lead. The oppressed, especially women, who reserve, defend, and create values of freedom and community need to organize and combat the current destruction and dominance. Looking into the past, and looking to the future, we want to remind to collective courage to take the lead in our own hands.

1For further detail and development we reference to the statement from the Internationalist Commune of Rojava on the earthquake in Kurdistan, Syria and Turkey.

In Semsûr, where February 6 earthquakes caused destruction, people have been in solidarity with each other since the first day of the earthquakes. They have been trying to heal their wounds with the support of volunteers. They have established neighborhood commissions to support each other and grow their solidarity in order not to face more suffering.

The aim of the neighborhood commission is to build a communal life in the city. The commissions also carry out activities for women and the people of neighborhoods are decision makers.

After the earthquakes caused destruction in the city, the earthquake survivors received no help and support from the state for three days. They pulled dead bodies from the rubble with their own means. They spent three days in their own cars due to the lack of tents. Only volunteers sent them food and water. Although weeks have passed since the earthquakes, they still face serious problems, such as housing problems. The earthquake survivors, who spent a month with the solidarity and help of the volunteers, have established neighborhood commissions to grow solidarity in order not to face more suffering. People coming together under the umbrella of these commissions discuss to find solutions to their problems.

‘We decided to act together’

An earthquake survivor, Eşxan Şiyar told us they had decided to establish neighborhood commissions in order not to face more suffering due to the lack of help by the state. She also said that Semsûr was one of the cities badly affected by the earthquakes. “No one can change the reality of this destruction,” she said, “We saw how people united after the disaster. They pulled dead bodies from the rubble by helping and being in solidarity with each other.  We can easily say that the state has not been here since the first day of the earthquakes. People began to unite when they saw no state would not help them. The people, who were left alone in the disaster, came together and established their neighborhood commissions to build a communal life.”

 ‘They have a meeting twice a week to discuss’

Indicating that they decided to establish the commissions in order to find solutions for the problems faced by them, Eşxan Şiyar said, “We have a meeting twice a week to discuss and find solutions for the problems faced by us. We discuss suggestions and criticisms. We have set up a tent for women. Women are in solidarity with each other in this tent. We screen films and hold painting courses in the tent. Women come together in the tent to find solutions to their problems by discussing them.”

‘The main reason for establishing neighborhood commissions is to unite people’

‘The main reason for establishing neighborhood commissions is to unite people,” Eşxan Şiyar said, “Since the first day, we have received no help or support from the state so we decided to establish neighborhood commissions to help and support each other. We will heal our own wounds together.”

Sadly the video below does not contain English subtitles.

The Maras-centered earthquakes destroyed more than a hundred buildings in Syria and Rojava. 3,581 people lost their lives and 5,348 were injured. Thousands are still under the rubble in the Turkish-occupied areas as the death toll is not disclosed.

The 7.8 and 7.7 magnitude quakes, centred in the Pazarcik and Elbistan districts of North Kurdistan’s Maras province, were strongly felt in Egypt, Lebanon, Syria and Iraq as well. The earthquakes caused great destruction in the Syrian provinces of Idlib, Aleppo, Hama, Latakia and Tartus, as well as in the cities of Shehba, Kobanê, Manbij and Raqqa controlled by the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, and in occupied Afrin.

The latest situation in Syria and North and East Syria is as follows:

OCCUPIED REGIONS

The cities of Afrin and Idlib, occupied by the Turkish state, are among the places devastated by the earthquakes. While hundreds of buildings were destroyed, the death toll and the scale of the destruction in these regions are not disclosed. According to information obtained from the Afrin Human Rights Organization, there is a humanitarian disaster in Afrin, where hundreds of people were trapped under the rubble.

Afrin: Turkish-occupied Afrin is the most affected city by the earthquake which inflicted serious damage to the city centre and the districts of Jindires and Mabata. The number of casualties in the city is not revealed. 257 buildings were destroyed completely in Jindires district, which is 20 kilometres away from the city centre. Reports say that at least 756 people lost their lives under these buildings and thousands of people are still under the rubble. 70 percent of the Kaxırê village in the southwest of Mabata was also destroyed. It is reported that hundreds of people are still under the rubble as no reliable information can be obtained from the village.

Idlib: The regions of Atarib, Sarmada, Harim, Bisnia, Salqim, Azmarin and Keferhom in the city of Idlib, which remains under the occupation of Turkey-backed Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham (HTS), were also damaged by the earthquakes. It is reported that 718 buildings were destroyed in the city where 195 towns and villages were affected by the earthquakes. The Al-Tilol village was flooded as the Asian Dam on the Turkey-Syria border was partially damaged. The number of deaths and injuries remains unknown, like other occupied territories.

REGIONS HELD BY DAMASCUS GOVERNMENT

The provinces of Aleppo, Hama, Latakia and Tartus held by the Damascus government were significantly damaged. The Ministry of Health reported that 1,408 people lost their lives and 2,341 were injured in the areas under their control due to the earthquakes.

Aleppo: Theneighbourhoods of Al Shaar, Musharaqa, Paradise, Salahaddin, Al Kelasa and Aziziye in the east of Aleppo were devastated by the earthquakes. Damascus government officials reported that about 4,000 people lost their lives and around 7,000 people were injured or unaccounted for.

Latakia: The town of Jabla and the neighbourhood of Ramla Janubi are the most affected areas. 102 buildings in central and rural Latakia were destroyed. While 506 people lost their lives, 792 others were injured.

Hama: The Erbain region in the north of the city is the most affected area. 47 people lost their lives, and 75 others were injured in Hama.

AUTONOMOUS ADMINISTRATION OF NORTH AND EAST SYRIA

The Health Committee of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) announced that 6 people lost their lives and 57 people were injured in the areas under their control. In the Sheikh Maqsoud (Şêx Meqsud) and Ashrafiyah (Eşrefiye) neighbourhoods of Aleppo, 6 people lost their lives and 47 people were injured. 5 people were injured in Shehba, 3 in Kobanê and 2 in Manbij.

6 people lost their lives in Babinis and Til Qerah villages of Shehba Canton and in the Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyah neighbourhoods where Kurds predominantly live.

2,000-YEAR-OLD CASTLE DAMAGED

The Najim Castle, located on the Euphrates River and 115 kilometres from Aleppo, was also affected by the earthquake in North and East Syria. A part of the eastern wall of the castle, which dates back to 68 AD, was demolished.

BAB AL-HAWA BORDER CROSSING AFFECTED

The Bab Al-Hawa Border Gate between Turkey and Syria under Turkish occupation in the city of Idlib was also affected by the earthquake. The roads leading to the border crossing were damaged. Aid to earthquake victims in Syria is delivered through the Bab Al-Hawa Border Gate.

625 SCHOOLS DAMAGED

Many schools run by the AANES and the Damascus government were also damaged by the earthquakes. According to the data collected by the North and East Syrian Education Committee, 15 schools in Ayn Issa, Kobanê and Sirin in the Euphrates Region were damaged, and education has been suspended for 7 days. 138 schools were damaged, and 6 schools were closed in Manbij. 9 schools were damaged in Deir ez-Zor. In Raqqa, 115 schools were damaged, and 36 of them were closed. 41 schools were damaged in Tabqa, but schools will continue education once engineers finish the repair work. In Shehba Region, 15 schools were damaged, and 5 schools became unusable. In the Cizre Region, 39 schools were damaged.

According to official data released by the Damascus government, 248 schools were damaged in the areas under their control.

MUNICIPALITY STEPS INTO ACTION

The Local Administrations and Environmental Management Committee of North and East Syria provided the following information to ANF:

Afrin-Shehba Region: Shehba People’s Municipality cooperated with the assembly and commune organizations in the region to help earthquake victims. Construction materials such as cement, soil and gravel were provided for the local people for the repair of the damaged structures.

Euphrates Region: A joint committee was established in cooperation with the Euphrates Region Chamber of Engineers. People in the Euphrates region applied to the municipality for the repair of 68 buildings. Municipal teams checked 88 buildings and reported that 15 buildings, including petrol stations and schools, were damaged. The wreckage of 31 damaged structures was removed.

Tabqa: The Emergency Teams and firefighters affiliated with the Tabqa Local Administration Committee assessed the extent of the damage caused by the earthquakes. An emergency committee was established under the Local Administration Committee. Moreover, a committee was formed to identify and examine the damaged buildings and to take the necessary measures. A damaged earth-sheltered house was demolished, and 7 houses were repaired. Two buildings in the city centre were evacuated as a precaution.

Part Two

There were no serious regulations and countermeasures for earthquakes in North-East Syria as in the whole of Syria, since earthquakes and natural disasters have almost never been experienced.

What are the laws concerning earthquake countermeasures of the Autonomous Administration and the Damascus government? How do they deal with zoning plans, illegal structures and countermeasures?

During the period when Rojava was under the control of the Damascus government, almost nothing was done about earthquakes in the region. After its establishment, the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) focused more on development plans, the fight against illegal structures, and the construction of stronger structures. Before the earthquake, no serious activity was carried out to deal with earthquakes in North-East Syria. Geological and civil engineers conducted investigations in the region and the type of structures to be built according to the regions were determined. After the recent earthquakes in the region, the Autonomous Administration institutions have introduced many countermeasures for future earthquakes. Discussions are currently being held to inspect the existing zoning plans in detail, to identify illegal structures and to take the necessary precautions.

Şîlan Ehmed, a member of the North-East Syrian Local Administrations and Environment Committee, answered ANF’s questions about their aid efforts for the last 8 days and countermeasures against new disasters and illegal structures.

Sadly the videos in this post do not contain English subtitles.

400 DAMAGED BUILDINGS IDENTIFIED

Ehmed said: “Six of our citizens lost their lives in the Autonomous Administration region in North-East Syria. 57 citizens were injured. In the city of Aleppo, 216 buildings were damaged and 813 families living in them were affected. 52 buildings were damaged in Kobanê and necessary work is being carried out concerning these buildings. In the city of Manbij, 125 buildings were damaged. Damaged and cracked buildings in our region have been evacuated and residents have been provided shelter. Assessment of damaged structures is done by the Chamber of Engineers and municipal teams under the umbrella of the Democratic Society Movement (TEV-DEM). After the assessments, the structures that need to be demolished are pulled down by taking the necessary precautions. Repair and strengthening of columns are carried out for partially damaged buildings. After a one-week assessment, we saw that around 400 more buildings need to be demolished or repaired. Our teams in Aleppo, Manbij and Kobanê are working without interruption for 24 hours.”

BUILDING CONTROL WAS DISCUSSED ONE MONTH BEFORE EARTHQUAKES

Recalling that a workshop was held for the construction of stronger structures before the earthquake, Ehmed said: “A month before the earthquake, a workshop was held with the participation of all engineers in North-East Syria. There were participants from many countries, such as France and Italy. The issues that concern construction of safer buildings were discussed in detail.”

ZONING PLANS AND ILLEGAL BUILDINGS

Ehmed also gave information about the zoning plans and their work against illegal structures in the region. She said: “In line with the research carried out in the region before the earthquake, a law was introduced concerning the maximum number of floors to be allowed according to the regions. In some places, three-storey buildings can be built, in others four-storey buildings. In some places, tall buildings should not be allowed at all. We have projects and criminal sanctions over this issue. Buildings built without paying attention to the necessary rules and the municipal laws are the biggest problem in the region. Last year, fines were imposed against more than 4,000 buildings in the Cizîre Region alone. 99 unsafe structures were demolished. The situation is almost the same in Manbij, Kobanê and other regions. We do not opt for demolition, but we are working for safer and stronger buildings. Our Kobanê Municipality has now started to demolish all the storeys that were built illegally. Some special machines are needed to prevent demolition and strengthen the columns. Millions of dollars should be funded for earthquake-related studies. Due to our limited resources, we allow the construction of buildings with fewer storeys. New disasters will emerge if the necessary measures are not taken.”

STRONGER MEASURES

“Previously, the Damascus government did not introduce any law for earthquakes. There is no strong draft law against earthquakes and natural disasters in North-East Syria. There is a law that mostly concerns the construction of buildings and zoning plans. We have failed to be effective in this regard, therefore we self-criticize. But we organize our work to prevent further disasters.”

Part Three

The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) responded to the earthquake in a very short time and is now helping other parts of the country despite limited means.

The Autonomous Administration rushed to the aid of the earthquake victims in the cities of North and East Syria the fastest way possible thanks to strong solidarity. This successful solidarity was made possible through the communes and assemblies, which are the backbone of the autonomous system based on self-government. Heyva Sor a Kurd (Kurdish Red Crescent), which was established in Rojava in 2012, is one of the organizations working successfully in solidarity with the earthquake victims. After the earthquake victims in North and East Syria were taken care of, the people living in the region and their self-government expressed that they were ready to help other parts of Syria as well. In a short time, hundreds of aid trucks and fuel tankers containing basic needs, food and medical equipment were delivered to other parts of Syria.

SDF AND AUTONOMOUS ADMINISTRATION WENT INTO ACTION

In a statement on February 6, when the earthquake occurred, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) said: “We share the painful suffering of our people in all Syrian territories caused by the devastating earthquake that struck the region, and we ask Allah Almighty to console the victims with His infinite mercy, grant speedy recovery for the injured and protect our people from any harm. Our forces stand ready to provide immediate assistance to overcome the earthquake aftermath in all Syrian territories, including providing relief support and sending rescue teams to the disaster-stricken areas. Our forces also offer their condolences to the people in the cities of Maraş and Antep and all areas in northern Kurdistan that were stricken by the earthquake, and we express our solidarity with them at this difficult time.”

ALL BORDER CROSSINGS OPENED

The Autonomous Administration Executive Council Co-Presidency made a statement after its meeting on February 8 and said: “All the border crossings in the Autonomous Administration regions will remain open to enable the delivery of humanitarian aid from outside to all regions affected by the earthquake in Syria.”

AID CAMPAIGNS

On February 9, the Autonomous Administration of the Cizre Region and on February 12, the Autonomous Administration of the Euphrates Region launched aid campaigns to help the earthquake victims in North Kurdistan and North-East Syria. The aid organized by the people and organizations in all cities of North and East Syria was delivered to the border crossings in Umm al-Julud (between Manbij and Jarablus), Al-Tayha (between Manbij and Aleppo) and Awn Al-Dadat (between Manbij and Jarablus).

AID FOR OCCUPIED REGIONS

An aid campaign organized by the AANES regions was introduced not only for the regions of the Damascus government, but also for the earthquake victims in the regions occupied by the Turkish state and allied mercenary groups. The first aid convoy entered the occupied regions in the north and east of Syria on February 13 via Doctors Without Borders through the border crossings between Manbij and Jarablus. After the first aid convoy consisting of 53 trucks and vehicles, a second convoy consisting of 66 trucks containing food and medical supplies departed.

Sozdar Ehmed from Heyva Sor a Kurd in North and East Syria answered ANF’s questions regarding their institutional solidarity.

COLLECTIVE WORK

Ehmed said: “The earthquake in our region created fear among people. The public had high expectations from Heyva Sor a Kurd following the earthquake. An extraordinary meeting was held with the participation of the Autonomous Administration, the People’s Municipality, the Internal Security Forces, the Self-Defense Forces and the Health Committee. A collective work was carried out in solidarity. After this meeting, we decided to set up tents for the survivors who were staying in their cars.”

“We started a humanitarian aid for our people from Dêrîk to Manbij. Following the earthquake, citizens began to take shelter in their cars. Those who did not have vehicles remained on the streets. In a short time, we set up tents for the people in all cities from Dêrîk to Manbij. Blankets were distributed to the citizens. We dispatched emergency teams to 10 cities according to their populations. A medical team was tasked to transport the seriously ill patients to hospitals.”

AID FOR SHEHBA AND ALEPPO

Ehmed stated that they could send aid to Shehba and Aleppo on February 7 due to the embargo policy of the Damascus government. When they wanted to go to the region themselves, the obstacles stopped them. “We delivered many tents and blankets to Shehba and Aleppo within 24 hours. Aid activities for these regions were carried out jointly with non-governmental organizations. We also donated a small amount of money. As Heyva Sor a Kurd, we mobilized all our means available. With our team, we decided to move to Shehba and Aleppo to provide food, tents, blankets, medical supplies and fuel. We have been waiting at the border gates for 6 days, but the Damascus government does not allow us to cross into the region. We have constantly stated that our health teams are ready to meet the needs of the Syrian peoples. Despite our calls to all concerned institutions and organizations, the gates have not been opened. We expressed our readiness to deliver aid from Afrin to Damascus, but the Damascus government does not open the gates. We are now waiting at the al-Tayha gate between Manbij and Aleppo. We will not take a step back; our steps will always be forward-looking.”

6-MONTH PROJECT FOR EARTHQUAKE-HIT AREAS

Remarking that a six-month project for the earthquake-hit areas has been introduced, Ehmed said: “A team of doctors from Heyva Sor a Kurdistan will come to the region on the 20th of this month. A three-month project has been introduced for the Euphrates Region, a 15-day project for the Cizre Region, and a six-month project for Aleppo and Shehba. The priority of the projects is to provide nutritional requirements, heating and basic necessities. The second stage concerns the restoration of the damaged areas. We have also asked for help from international institutions and organizations for these urgent needs, yet their aid is limited.”

Part Four

Although the international embargo against Syria has been lifted, the Damascus government maintains the embargo against Shehba and Aleppo.

Bedran Çiya Kurd, Co-Chair of the Foreign Relations Department of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), spoke to ANF about the mobilization declared by the Autonomous Administration following the earthquake and the ongoing embargo against the region.

Bedran Çiya Kurd said that Rojava still has not received any help and added that the Autonomous Administration is ready to help the earthquake victims.

‘AID OVERSHADOWED BY POLITICAL MOTIVES’

Bedran Çiya Kurd remarked that the earthquake disaster caused great pain and humanitarian situations in Turkey, Syria and North and East Syria. “This pain continues. It also has economic and political implications. Political motives overshadow the humanitarian aid delivery to the regions controlled by the regime, the occupied regions, Şêxmeqsud (Sheikh Maqsoud) and Eşrefiye (Ashrafiyah) neighbourhoods of Aleppo and even North Kurdistan.

AID CAMPAIGNS OF THE AUTONOMOUS ADMINISTRATION BLOCKED

“There are serious obstacles to our aid campaigns. If political motives become decisive to deal with the humanitarian situation, the suffering of the earthquake survivors will deepen. These wounds will not heal easily. It would lead to very bad results. Thousands of people could have been saved if the intervention had been made on time. Because of the regime’s policy, thousands of people could not be rescued and died under the rubble.

The Autonomous Administration stated that it was ready to help any place or anyone who was harmed, regardless of their identity. It has delivered aid to the earthquake-hit areas. Neither the Syrian regime nor the Turkey-backed armed groups adopted a helpful attitude towards us to deliver aid. Nor do they allow the aid organized by us to reach the earthquake victims. This is not right, and it constitutes a crime against humanity. If humanitarian aid is considered a matter of negotiation based on political stances, it would be a crime against humanity. In fact, the regime should have acted and asked for help. However, unfortunately, the regime wants to use the aid delivered from outside for its own political interests. The US administration and many other countries are putting their problems with the Syrian regime aside because of the current humanitarian situation. Certain sanctions have been suspended temporarily to allow victims access to humanitarian aid. However, we are afraid that the regime could take advantage of it as it did before. What has been done so far confirms our suspicion.”

‘AID SENT TO ALEPPO AND SHEHBA PREVENTED’

“Şêxmeqsud, Eşrefiye and Shehba are now facing huge problems because of the embargo. The regime is preventing aid delivery to these regions. The hostile attitude of the regime is visible. We have concerns that this policy of the regime will prevail. For this reason, the government of Damascus and the Turkish regime and its mercenary groups should stop their discriminatory policies. They should not turn humanitarian aid into a political issue. They should open the border gates and let aid materials reach the earthquake victims. If this is not done, the lives of thousands of people will remain in jeopardy.”

NO HELP DELIVERED TO THE REGION YET

Kurd reminded that the Autonomous Administration remained in close contact with many countries, including those in the international coalition and Europe during the times of humanitarian chaos. He continued: “The current situation here has been reported to public opinion. We have revealed our stance on how to help the victims. All our institutions stated expressed their readiness to help Syria and Turkey. They also stated that they are ready to help North and East Syria. Our dialogue and diplomatic activities to deal with the issue continue. The issue of aid delivery is being discussed in detail. However, as far as we know, no aid has reached the survivors in North and East Syria, the regions controlled by the regime and even North Kurdistan. Concerned institutions should take urgent intervention, help people and save their lives.”

Those remaining in Scotland, and in other parts of the Kurdish and Turkish diaspora, are working frantically to try and organise aid deliveries to the worst affected regions. Besides damaged roads and severe winter weather, this task is made much more difficult by the Turkish authorities who insist that all aid must be delivered through AFAD, the government’s Disaster and Emergency Management Authority. AFAD has been shown to be woefully inadequate for the task it faces, and there are also well-founded concerns over its priorities. Government bodies are known to favour government supporters, and there is no confidence that AFAD will distribute aid where it is most needed. Rather than allow the evolution of local support networks, this top-down approach is designed to make people dependent on, and grateful to, President Erdoğan and his ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). A record of government corruption makes many wary that aid distribution will be co-opted to boost the image of the government. 

Hatice (not her real name), another Edinburgh resident, told me that she has been working with contacts in Turkey to try and organise the delivery of essential equipment that can help some of the hundreds of thousands of people who have had to leave their homes and are struggling to survive in the bitter cold. They are looking for vehicles that can travel through the snow, and for routes where they can avoid having their supplies confiscated by AFAD. Hatice, in common with a very high proportion of Edinburgh’s Kurds, hales from Elbistan. Their hometown, which was very close to the epicentre of the second earthquake that followed eight hours after the first one, has suffered severe damage. Buildings that had cracked with the first quake were brought down completely by the second. Hatice’s mother-in-law is lost in her collapsed home, as are many of her cousins and friends.

Monday’s earthquakes have devasted ten Turkish provinces that are home to around thirteen million people: well over twice the population of Scotland. They have also caused massive destruction in Syria, especially in government-controlled areas and areas controlled by Turkey (including occupied Afrîn). Autonomous North and East Syria is less badly affected, and their Syrian Democratic forces have offered to provide help to all other parts of Syria – however I only have space to look at Turkey here. The scale of the disaster is terrifying. Thousands are already confirmed dead, but with so many more trapped in the destroyed buildings, and the vast majority of these buildings yet to see any rescue equipment, the number is expected to rise into the tens of thousands. Some fear the final figure may be over 100,000. 

Three days after the initial earthquake, which caught people asleep in their beds, many places, and especially smaller towns and villages, have yet to see any sign of official help. Local people are trying to remove the rubble that is burying their families and neighbours with their bare hands, but without the equipment to cut and lift concrete this is often impossible. Chances of survival in the sub-zero temperatures are eking away with every passing minute. 

Even for those who have escaped the initial destruction, conditions are extremely difficult. The risks from the many aftershocks, as well as dangerous structural damage, makes it unsafe for people to stay in their homes, but AFAD has done very little to supply them with the basic shelter, warmth, and sustenance that they need to survive. Many places are without water and electricity. Checking that surviving buildings are safe for people to return to will be a massive task in itself.

Social media is full of desperate pleas for help, and anger at the absence of the authorities that should be providing it. The response from the government has been to clamp down on people sharing news of what is happening. In an angry television message on Tuesday, President Erdoğan announced a State of Emergency in the affected provinces. The main effect of this, like the national emergency following the 2016 coup attempt, will be to allow much greater government control and suppression of criticism. Erdoğan told viewers that he is keeping a note of all the ‘lies and distortions’ and will open his notebook ‘when the time comes’.  Already, twitter has been restricted – although it was being used to provide vital information for search and rescue. Journalists have been detained while reporting from the rubble in Diyarbakir, and investigations are being opened against TV commentators and social media users.

The one organisation that has the equipment, skills, and competence to make a serious impact on the rescue efforts, the Turkish army, remains in readiness to invade Syria, but only a relatively small force has been deputed to help the rescue operation. 

Prospects are grim and hopes are fading for the tens of thousands still buried. 

A natural disaster in a political context

Before looking at the huge mobilisation by local people in Turkey, and at what people in Scotland can do to help, I want to examine the political context that has massively amplified the horror of this natural disaster. Of course, the focus must be on humanity, but we do need to understand the politics that makes humanity so difficult to achieve, and the political forces that are seeking to exploit the situation for their own, very inhumane, ends.

This natural disaster has taken place in the context of a lethal cocktail of ruthless neoliberal crony capitalism, political corruption, anti-Kurdish racism (which has left infrastructure underdeveloped and attacked political and civic organisation), and an increasingly dictatorial authoritarian regime that will not work with others and will not broach criticism.

Across the affected region, blocks of flats have collapsed like houses of cards. Much of Turkey’s recent economic development was based on a building boom, with contracts awarded to government supporters. Turkey is crossed by major geological fault lines, but in the rush for profits, there was no room for such niceties as observing earthquake design regulations. As a friend who works in disaster planning put it to me, you can have a lot of good regulations and codes, but ‘the snag is in the governance’ and politicians feel that enforcing regulations is not a vote-winning priority and that nothing will happen on their watch. 

The neglect of earthquake preparedness has come from the top. After the 1999 Istanbul earthquake, the government of the time brought in what was commonly known as the ‘Earthquake Tax’, which was supposed to pay for disaster preparation. This is estimated to have brought in £3.8 billion pounds, but there is no evidence that this has been spent on making anything safer. 

It was not as if the government had lacked warnings. The Chairman of the Chamber of Geological Engineers has stated that they had not only expected an earthquake of this kind but had also submitted a report to the president and government on what should be done in preparation, which had received no response. He described the policies of uncontrolled development as ‘rent and plunder’. 

Despite the palpable and massive failure of the government’s disaster response, Erdoğan shows no sense of responsibility, let alone contrition. On Wednesday, when he finally visited Maraş, at the centre of the first earthquake, he told a survivor, ‘The damage is done. These things are part of destiny’s plan.’

We have seen plenty of evidence of this disregard of safety planning before – notably in the lack of vital planes to fight 2021’s forest fires, when, too, Erdoğan seemed more concerned to stamp out negative publicity than extinguish the flames; and also in the mining disasters at Soma in 2014 and Bartın last October, when warnings of dangerous conditions were not heeded, and Erdoğan also provoked anger by putting the blame on ‘destiny’. 

The abject inadequacy of both preparedness and response has not spared any of the cities hit, whatever their ethnic makeup or political leanings, but it is also significant that the predominantly Kurdish southeast of Turkey, where much of the damage occurred, has been purposefully left behind in infrastructural development by successive governments. And, in the places where the population voted for the pro-Kurdish leftist Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), they have had their elected mayors removed – and often imprisoned – and civic structures that the mayors supported closed down. 

When people most need to work together and combine resources, Erdoğan is terrified of allowing any involvement from other political parties in case it earns them support. Again, this is not a new phenomenon. The central government confiscated aid for Covid victims collected by the Peoples’ Republican Party (CHP) mayors of Istanbul and Ankara.  An openly HDP delivery of aid to the earthquake areas was seized by the government. 

Faced with a disaster of this scale and a response organisation that is clearly unable to cope, most people would have expected the government to turn to the military – the second biggest army in NATO: all the more so as Erdoğan is looking for a popular victory, and what could be more universally popular than an effective response to a major disaster? That he has opted for only a very limited deployment may also be a consequence of his fear of being upstaged. Despite major purges, many in the army do not endorse his turn against Turkish secularism.

The dreadful failures in the government response can also be seen as a product of the arrogance of dictatorship, where one man cannot oversee everything, but others are afraid to criticise: the emperor’s new clothes syndrome. 

Erdoğan’s desperation to hold onto power at all costs makes him prioritise perception over reality. The Turkish government has increasingly resorted to stifling freedom of speech, and last year’s Disinformation Law has been widely condemned as a vehicle for censorship and the criminalisation of journalism. Although making political predictions for Turkey has become even more difficult, many must be worrying that if he sees his support falling, Erdoğan might use the emergency situation to postpone the forthcoming election.

The scale of the Turkish Governments failures and of their impacts is staggering, but in trying to understand what could have gone so wrong, I found myself thinking of the Grenfell fire. Turkey’s disaster may be a thousand times bigger, but there are many similarities in the underlying forces and in the attempt to manage perceptions rather than face responsibility. 

Inevitably, the lack of effective response – and in many places any response at all – has produced a swell of anger, especially among those who have waited in vain for help to rescue family members trapped beneath the debris. On Wednesday in Adiyaman, where no help had arrived more than two days after the earthquake, the Minister of Transport, and the local governor fled in their cars rather than face the angry crowd.  The AKP mayor of Kirikhan has damned his party’s government in front of the collapsed building that buried his children. There is a new axiom being shared round Turkey: It is not earthquakes that kill people, it is states that kill people.

Solidarity from the grassroots

In contrast to the state’s failures, organisations across Turkey have sprung into action, from political parties to community groups. Cars and trucks are bringing aid supplies from all over the country, organised by local groups or even private individuals.

The big municipalities run by the main opposition Republican People’s Party have been coordinating large collections and deliveries of basic aid, with the CHP leader announcing that they will not accept bureaucratic obstacles even if they ‘have to be arrested for finding bread and blankets’. And the HDP, which has fewer financial resources and has been deprived of municipal power, is also managing to get deliveries through despite government obstruction. (The scale of the relief effort is going to make government control increasingly difficult to implement.)  93 trucks of supplies organised by the HDP had reached the earthquake area by Wednesday morning, and Ugur Cagritekin told me that they had received news that five trucks had reached Elbistan where supplies were being delivered to people in need through the coordination of the HDP and the local Alevi centre. They want to take aid to villages as well as the town centre. Some people in the villages have moved from their homes into the relative safety of their more lightly constructed stables, where they can also benefit from the warmth of the animals, but there has been no help from outside.

The HDP’s strength lies in its ability to mobilise and organise its large network of supporters and sympathisers and like-minded community organisations. As soon as they heard about the earthquake, the party dropped all other plans, set up a central coordination centre, and dispatched leading members to the affected area. Local election centres were transformed into coordination centres, while the youth organisation concentrated on rescue work. They put out calls for solidarity and for people with shelter and food to share with those without, and they helped create a framework to allow people’s natural solidarity to find direction. 

I spoke with a volunteer at Rosa Women’s Association in Diyarbakir as she took a break from preparing soup and tea for 200 people taking shelter from the dangers of damaged buildings. She told me that their city (the unofficial capital of Turkish Kurdistan) benefitted from being left wing and thus easy to organise. Even in relatively accessible Diyarbakir, where the devastation is patchy, official relief efforts are seriously inadequate; however, although the HDP mayor and council have been removed (and the mayor imprisoned), HDP organisation remains extremely strong.

Their earthquake relief coordination is the HDP’s philosophy of grassroots organisation and control put into action. When Ertuğrul Kürkçü, the HDP’s honorary president, writes about ‘transforming earthquake solidarity into a social movement’, he is not talking about an abstract idea but a political practice. 

Kurdish communities outside Turkey have wanted to send essential supplies too, but there are reports of deliveries being turned back for lack of documentation, or being taken over by AFAD at the border. The consensus, across the Kurdish diaspora, is to call for financial donations to the Kurdish Red Crescent, Hevya Sor, which operates throughout the affected areas – and of course helps everyone regardless of background. Hevya Sor have the contacts on the ground that enable them to get the aid through to where it is needed, independent of government meddling. So far, this fundraising has been focused on Kurdish communities, but the many other people who want to help and are uncertain who to trust, should be reassured that this is an organisation supported by those with most reason to be concerned. 

To donate in from the UK please send to Hevya Sor’s German bank account or donate via Paypal: 

Account details:

IBAN: DE49 3705 0299 0004 0104 81
BIC/SWIFT: COKSDE33XXX

Our urgent demands from the government, which holds all the resources of the state in its hands, and our call for solidarity.

After the 7.7 magnitude earthquakes centered in Pazarcık, Kahramanmaraş, at midnight on February 6, followed by the 7.6 magnitude earthquakes centered in Elbistan at noon on the same day, more than ten thousand buildings collapsed and tens of thousands of people were trapped under the rubble. In reality, it is the government, which is trying to turn this disaster into an opportunity for its own survival and has declared a state of emergency in the region to this end. Organization of civil initiatives and rank and file solidarity networks are vital to making emergency interventions in the areas of destruction and rebuilding life. It is imperative that the disaster is not magnified by obstructing the aid and solidarity of civil initiatives under the pretext of the State of Emergency!

The state, unable to fulfill its basic duty of organization and coordination, has left the people of Turkey today with the obligation and responsibility to organize themselves.

Our most urgent need today is to weave a solidarity that crosses borders in order to keep alive our people who have lost their living spaces and cannot meet their basic needs in the entire geography affected by the earthquake, especially in search and rescue operations.

First of all, we would like to observe that an earthquake is a natural phenomenon, that it has been going on for millions of years and that earthquakes occur for nature to realize itself and for the earth to complete itself:

The main responsible for the losses of life is this corporatist government, which has left life to freeze under the rubble, and which no longer functions as a social state. Natural phenomena cannot be characterized as disasters, catastrophes or fate to cover up the massacres caused by the capitalist system based on the greed for profit. Humanity has lived in peace with nature for thousands of years, and has built its social life in harmony with nature, taking into account natural phenomena. Houses were built in harmony with the behavior of nature. Now, the governments that nourish the concrete-oriented urban policies imposed by capitalist modernism with multi-storey buildings, thus paving the way for capital to increase its earnings, bear the main responsiblity for these losses.

In the last two hundred years, policies that increase the exploitation of nature and labor have been followed. As a result of these policies, we are facing an ecocide caused by the brutal face of capitalism, which causes destruction and collapse by destroying human and non-human life. The region where the earthquake occurred is a region where many ecological crimes have been committed, such as the construction of hydroelectric dams, thermal power plants, nuclear power plants and airports on fault lines and, as a result, lives have been endangered. The only way to defend life against this destruction is not in spite of nature, but in a reciprocal relationship with nature, in peace with nature, and in solidarity with nature.

We know that there are many things we need to do to build the life we dream of, but today we are faced with an urgent, vital situation that requires us to act without waiting. As you read this, there are still lives under the rubble waiting to be rescued if they are not frozen. While they are fighting for their lives, the construction and mining companies who caused the collapses continue to count their money.

This is our warning to the government, which controls all the resources of the state, about what needs to be done urgently and our public call for solidarity:

WHAT NEEDS TO BE DONE URGENTLY:

1. Mining and construction activities, especially in the region and neighboring regions, should be stopped immediately, and construction machinery and equipment belonging to public and private companies should be sent to earthquake zones for search and rescue operations together with technical personnel.
2. Civilian and military infrastructure and personnel, and private sector airline infrastructure and search and rescue and relief teams should be rapidly deployed to earthquake areas that cannot be reached by road.
3. Buildings such as second residences, hotels, places of worship, including those in neighboring regions, especially reliable buildings in the region, should be put into service free of charge or by using public resources to be used in solving the shelter problem.
4. In order to provide vital needs such as clean drinking water, food, clothing and hygiene products, the mechanisms created by civil society for solidarity should be fully and completely coordinated with public services.
5. Rescue teams should be formed to include living beings other than humans. The work of civilian teams taking initiative in this regard should be facilitated and supported.
6. Since the earthquake occurred in a region with a high concentration of migrants, search and rescue and basic needs should be carried out with full inclusiveness, free from discrimination.

ECOLOGICAL DEMANDS:

1. Information should be provided on the causes of the natural gas explosions and the fire at Iskenderun Port, which materials were burned, and the chemical and nuclear materials, if any, involved in the fire.
2. An inventory of hazardous, flammable and explosive materials in the industrial facilities in the region should be made; preventive measures should be taken without delay for possible disasters as a result of aftershocks or new earthquakes.
3. More than ten thousand buildings are thought to have collapsed. Work on asbestos, radon and other harmful gases emitted from these buildings should begin as soon as possible to ensure the safety of the people in the region, especially search and rescue teams.
4. Damage assessments should begin on the dams, which control water and are an extension of the commodification work, and necessary measures should be taken to prevent a secondary disaster.
5. It must be determined whether the chemicals in the mines are mixed with water aquifers; necessary measures must be taken.
6. The problems of non-human creatures living in cities and their peripheries, whose habitats we have usurped, regarding nutrition, access to clean and healthy water and shelter must be solved as soon as possible.
7. Damage to electricity and natural gas transmission lines in the earthquake zone, explosions in natural gas lines, security dams in the region, thermal power plants in Maraş and Adana poses great risks.
8. Large energy investments, security policies and fossil fuels that put life at risk must be abandoned.

Our condolences to everyone who is suffering. We are very saddened by our losses, but our sadness does not prevent us from ignoring the cause of the destruction, the slowness of the search and rescue efforts, and the measures that need to be taken to prevent possible further disasters. The state of emergency cannot hide this situation, nor will we allow it to. 

In solidarity.

Climate Justice Coalition 

Assembly for Unity of Ecology

The village of Teanê is located in the Shehba Canton, north of the city of Aleppo. It was formerly a Kurdish village; however, the population of the village changed due to the assimilation policies of the Syrian regime. After the Democratic Nation project began to spread across North and East Syria, the village regained its originality and returned to its essence. In the village, where communal life is practiced, the women participate in all spheres of life. They revive life in the village by raising animals, planting trees and making bread. Women are always in solidarity with each other.

The history of Teanê

The villagers say that the village is originally a Kurdish village and the people living in the village came from the north of Kobanê Canton. Due to the attacks, some people left Kobanê and settled in the north of Aleppo. The village named after an Arabic word “ṭaḥīna (طحينة)”, which means “to grind”. In time, the name of the village changed and became Teanê. The villagers told us that the village is a very ancient village and no one knows when the village was formed. The village is located on an area 10 kilometers long and it surrounds the village of Şêx Kêf in the south and the village of Ebil in the north. The villagers say that the merchants, who came from northern Turkey to the city of Aleppo stayed in the village.

Historic houses in the village show its history

When we visited the village, we saw many historic houses. There is an old water well in the village and all the villagers used to get their water from this well. Then, many water wells were dug in the village because the old water well is far from the village. The villagers used to grind wheat or other grains with a stone called, “cirnik” in the village. After the emergence of mills, the grinding method with stone disappeared in the village. But you can still see these stones in the village. There are very known families in the village. These families are the Abas family, the Remê family, the Qedûrê gilî family and the Hemkêrî family.

The village has a different tradition

The village of Teanê is well known as an agricultural village in the region. Most of the villagers are engaged in agriculture and earn their living in this way. The villagers plant vegetables in both summer and winter. The village has a different tradition; the villagers share their vegetables with everyone in the village. The village is also known with its Aleppo pistachio trees and olive trees. The villagers plant wheat, corn and lentils in summer.

The conflicts in Syria also affect the village

When the conflicts broke out in Syria, the village was also affected by them like other villages. The members of the Free Syrian Army (FSA) and ISIS entered the village. The villagers left the village in order not to live under the control of ISIS. After the establishment of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, the villagers returned to their home and they rebuilt their communal life. “We returned to our village and now live in peace thanks to the Autonomous Administration and defense forces,” the villagers say.

Ecological destruction and exploitation in Kurdistan

With the widespread introduction of capitalism to Kurdistan in the 1950s came a systemic and destructive exploitation of nature. The four colonialist states – Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria – started to plan large energy, mining, agriculture, infrastructure and other investment projects whose implementation led to exceedingly grave ecological destruction and exploitation[1]. This is caused, amongst other factors, by the capitalist economic model, respectively low ecological and social standards in the implementation of the many projects as well as by the simple fact that Kurdistan has the de facto status of a quartered colony. While keeping the colonial status, the hegemonial states introduced step by step, using economic as well as military measures, capitalist relations into the societies of Kurdistan. In the 1970s the construction of numerous large projects – particularly dams, oil-drilling and mining – had been realized through the exercise of the hegemonic power of the highly centralized states in the four parts of Kurdistan under the pretext of progress. After the first preparation work in the 1960s, agriculture started to be industrialized in the 1970s, particularly in West Kurdistan (Rojava) and North Kurdistan (Bakur), later in South (Başur) and East Kurdistan (Rojhilat).

One result of these policies was that communal and solidarity-based relations became weaker in the society of Kurdistan. The infrastructure projects and investments were designed and implemented with absolutely no consultation of the local population and through an authoritarian approach, were in the interest of the colonialist states and the colonialist and collaborative Kurdish upper classes and aimed a profit maximization through capitalist modernization, oppression and a deepening assimilation. While this development was still slow in the 1950s and 1960s, it took on a accelerating character in the 1970s. As a result of the implementation of large infrastructure projects in rural areas and the consequent displacement of hundreds of thousands; the industrialization of agriculture; the continuous economically-driven migration of rural people; rapid urbanization;  industrialisation; and the colonialist wars against the population as from the 1980s; society has lost for a big part its characteristics of solidarity and communality. The main characteristics of the pre-capitalist societies were  communalist approach and solidarity on decision-making, economy, sociality, culture and others issues, but different intensity of feudal and conservative forms were also present. Since the 1990s, the number of implemented large projects, as well as the livelihoods of people and economic relations, experienced grave changes. The surviving elements of the subsistence economy and local circles of economy were marginalised and Kurdistan became fully part of the “national market” of each state and entered the neoliberal global market.

The former times were certainly full of hierarchy, patriarchy and discrimination, but the transition to capitalism was a brutal break in the social and historical development and in a certain way it has even deepened societal sexism and patriarchy. To understand what has been diminished in these decades, the following approaches and characteristics of communalism and solidarity were eroded between the 1950s and 1990s. Typically:

• Although usually not inclusive concerning sex and age, many villages had in practice a kind of assembly of mostly older men and sometimes of some older women which gathered if necessary and took decisions.
• Solidarity on economical issues was common. For example, when a family or a household wanted to build a new house, the whole (or most) of the village joined the construction for at least several days which were crucial to building work proceeding significantly.
• It was usual that the animals of all households have been grazed together in appropriate locations. This was managed in turn by all households.
• When a household had a bad year of harvest, the others in the village supported the affected family by supplying them with the basic foods.
• When a household lacked yeast for cooking bread or milk, the neighbors shared it without hesitation or any discussion. In the following days the supported household put the same amount in the front of the house whose family gave the support.
• When a household had a large harvest of a certain product (like walnut), it was often the practice to share some of the surplus with others in and around the village.
• Solidarity on social affairs was also common. For example, when one or two parents of a family died or were forced to migrate in search of work, then the others in the village took care of the children who could not support themselves.
• There was cultural solidarity. In the evenings often people gathered in one of the houses and shared stories, myths, poems and songs among each other.

Kurdistan belongs worldwide to the countries where until recently capitalist modernity[2] was weak and solidarity and communal structures in the societies were still existing in a significant way. Today the older generations of Kurdistan remember quite well how life was until the 1960s or 1970s.

There is no objective to romanticize the life several decades ago, but nevertheless there was a significant solidarity and sharing in the society and not everything was valued monetarily; life and commodification[3] was not materialized as it is the case today.

Start of discussion on ecology

After two decades of freedom struggle in North Kurdistan, in the 1990s the Kurdish Freedom Movement (KFM) started to discuss the ecological question on a Kurdish and global level. The discussion took place against the background of the systematic destruction in Bakur through the Turkish State’s war on Kurds; more than 2,5 million displaced people were confronted in a brutal way with the urban and capitalistic life while Turkish state forces destroyed up to 4000 villages and torched huge forested areas in Bakur. The majority of the displaced people had been living before in a mainly subsistence economy with regional product circulation and limited ecological damage. Particularly between 1992 and 1995 large areas were depopulated and many cities in Bakur often doubled their population without being prepared in any way and without support from the Turkish government or others.

In the 1990s especially the political leader Abdullah Öcalan of the Kurdish Freedom Movement (KFM) questioned the emergence of neoliberal capitalism, with new analyses in general and notably in relation to neoliberalism’s impacts on nature. Particularly the concept of growth, and the increasing disconnection of profit from production has been criticized in Öcalan’s writings and speeches. In this sense, he is speaking against the growing number of large investment projects because of the huge and irreparable destruction of nature they cause. Here he included also the climate change which, among others, he considered as an acceleration of ecological destruction by capitalism. To destroy nature for the interest of central governments and profit of companies means usually to destroy the basis of life of millions. The massive ecological destruction affects seriously human life. Often large projects displace a large number of people and/or exploit the land and surrounding areas which they are forced to leave. Öcalan also discussed the disconnection of people to nature and what kind of impacts this could have on people’s minds and the relation of people to each other. In a fundamental way the alienation of people has been put in relation to the disconnection of people from nature. At this point Öcalan connects the discussion on ecology with institutionalized hierarchy which has its roots in patriarchy.

But ecology had not found a place at the core of the ongoing discussions in the 1990s. It was new, not yet theoretically strongly developed and in the shadow of the ongoing brutal war of the Turkish state. The central theoretical discussion at that time focused on highly important topic of women´s liberation. At that time, it was most urgent for the Kurds to discuss the liberation of women as it was the main tool for overcoming conservative and hierarchical structures in society. However an important part of the revolutionaries and political activists within the KFM took note of the discussion on ecology of the 1990s. It influenced in the following years the minds of thousands of politically engaged and interested people. Öcalan’s discussion showed a strategic approach as it was a discussion which was ahead of the times in comparison with all other left(ist)-democratic groups and movements in Kurdistan and Turkey. Öcalan was rather at the same level with some global discussions and movements which had started to discuss the ecological contradiction.

Municipalities in Bakur – Challenge to develop an ecological practice

Shortly after Öcalan has been kidnapped through an international plot under the coordination of the USA and delivered to the Turkish state in 1999, the armed struggle of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) stopped, and a new and broad discussion on means and perspectives of the freedom struggle started while giving priority to the political-civil struggle. The aim to set up a “Kurdish state” has been given up finally. In the same year in the local elections several important municipalities had been won by HADEP, the People’s Democracy Party, the legal party of the KFM at that time. The gained municipalities – among them Amed (Diyarbakir), Batman and Wan (Van) – became essential elements of the freedom struggle of the Kurds. This coincided with decreasing repressive conditions mainly because of the stop of the armed struggle. This facilitated the space for the municipalities, HADEP and other organizations of the KFM to spread their own political ideas and to get better in contact with new and not politically organized parts of the society. What has been claimed for years, namely that the KFM has better and much more democratic concepts, could be implemented at local level through municipalities and other political organizations. But at the same time the dynamic created by the armed struggle did not exist anymore. A shift in the way of thinking and acting became necessary.

Between 1999 and 2004 HADEP administered 37 municipalities and has been challenged to prove to the population that it is capable to govern better and more socially-responsibly than all other authoritarian and corrupted political parties of the hegemonic system. After taking over of the municipalities the state repression never ceased, but it was much less than in the 1990s. Rather the State’s approach was to give some space, but to bring the HADEP (replaced in 2002 by DEHAP, 2004 DTP, 2009 BDP and 2014 HDP/DBP) municipalities with certain imposed policies, including challenging frameworks like neoliberalism and administrative centralism, to a point where they would fail, thus lose the following local elections and finally lose their attractivity.

The HADEP municipalities, and in broader terms the Kurdish Freedom Movement, have the declared political goal of creating a democratic-ecological society by the year 2000. It was expressed publicly that the approach to nature would be respectful; natural sites would be conserved and developed within the cities and their surroundings would be more clean and green; and the investments projects would not be implemented at the expense of nature. The practice had to be significantly different from municipalities ruled by other parties which in Kurdistan did not care in any way for ecological life.

These first years were the time when thousands of political activists and other politically-interested people in Kurdistan and Turkey started to read articles and books on ecology and particularly social ecology, including Murray Bookchin. This brought forward the discussion how an ecological life should be developed and what that could mean in long-term and short-term politics. It affected also some employees and politicians in the municipalities. This was important as the difference can be observed sometimes in the details. It should be considered that in the whole state of Turkey the discussions on a more ecological or “sustainable” country were quite new, and political campaigns against destructive and exploitative developments and projects were rarely carried out. But it was also the time when in several regions struggles against large investment projects came up. In Bakur two struggles became widely known. One was against the Ilisu Dam on the Tigris which is planned to flood a large part of the Tigris Valley and the ancient town of Hasankeyf. Another one was against several dams on the Munzur River in Dersim where mainly people of the Alevi faith live. Both struggles gained big support amongst the Kurds. The Kurdish society started to discuss for the first time issues of rivers, dams, energy, cultural and natural heritage and development in relation to each other on a broader scale that contributed to an increase of a critical awareness on these issues.

However, in fact the gained municipalities in their first period (until 2004) showed a practice which was by far better than the others from an ecological point of view. The cities became cleaner and healthier with improvement of the waste system, also in the poorest neighborhoods which had been neglected for decades. The drinking water supply and sewage management was improved significantly in several cities within few years. The green area per person increased too. The sites of cultural heritage got more attention and accessibility for the public. More public spaces like squares or market places had been build up. The public transport had been developed to all settled areas and for a comparatively low price. Some designed large projects with problematic social and ecological impacts had been canceled or changed by the municipalities or not followed up. The life conditions in the poor quarters had been improved also by paving the streets, building social infrastructure like social centers or washing centers for clothes and the neglection of unpaid water bills. Efforts to include civil society groups in the decision-making process on many projects and even city planning became day to day reality. We can state that in the very beginning there were many urgent works in the field of basic services that had to be undertaken. The living quality in most cities was under a big threat – a stress that was exacerbated by the situation of those displaced by conflict in  the 1990s.

Although these positive developments occurred, there was lack of an overall consensus  as to how to develop a further and future ecological policy and the bigger ecological context could not be explained well. Almost all mayors and policy decision makers of the municipalities and other structures of the KFM did not consider the ecological perspective as one of the main strategic approaches and it remained often secondary if other aspects prevailed. The ecological consciousness of such people stayed limited with the pragmatism of parliamentarism. This was not very surprising as the general political movement stayed weak in the field of ecology and the discussion was quite new for the movement in general and particularly for the broader society. There were no strong actors within society who claimed a stronger ecological policy by the municipalities. In these years the fore-mentioned ecologist movements against dam projects concentrated their efforts on the dam projects; and the new “environmental” associations and civil organizations that were emerging in the cities, including organisations of engineers, architects, lawyers and medical doctors, did not yet demand strongly enough ecological criteria to be included in urban development.

There were two other aspects of relevance. The first is that the society was only just emerging from an extended period of intensive systematic state terror and was still in a phase of basic recovery. The political focus of the KFM was mainly on the human right violations of the 1990s and the demand for Kurdish identity in Bakur to be accepted with basic autonomous rights within the Republic of Turkey. The second is that capitalism in Kurdistan became very strong after the crisis of 2001. In 2003-2004, the official economic growth rate achieved up to ten percent, the money in the economy accumulated significantly and everywhere new and larger investments were done. Many more people started to earn big amounts of money through trade and investments. This created an intense pressure also on the cities in Bakur and approaches to open space for private investors affected almost all municipalities which suffered from structural financial low income. These were the years when neoliberalism entered Bakur.

In Bakur and also in Başur (with the US occupation in 2003) and Rojhilat, the development of extractive industries (mining, oil and gas) became very dramatic in these years. Investment projects in all fields had become widespread. In this sense the rural areas had been confronted with the following projects: all rivers should be transformed by hundreds of dams into artificial lakes or dried out by diversion dams; thousands of licenses had been commissioned to companies for test mine drilling; all main roads started to be broadened; mega coal plants had been constructed in several provinces; one of the world´s largest cement factory had been constructed; Bakur had become a hot spot for fracking; and finally the whole agricultural land – even the mountainous areas – faced fast change according to capitalistic market rules. The state planners started to consider each square meter in terms of financially exploitable land and prepared or approved thousands of projects. The AKP government under Erdogan attracted with such policies the interest of global capital. Only the cities administered by the KFM resisted for a big part this development. That is why the government could not implement the most planned policies in half of the cities of Bakur.

In a period when the society of Bakur started to develop quickly an ecological awareness, the neoliberalized capitalism started to make the largest historical ecological (and thus social) destruction and exploitation in Bakur. The destruction of nature and overcoming of most of remaining social-traditional elements in the society was much more intensive than during the  war of the 1990s. Only the mountainous areas with difficult access for humans could recover after 2000.

Ecology within Democratic Confederalism: the theoretical concept

On Newroz 2005, Abdullah Öcalan declared “Democratic Confederalism” as the new political-theoretical concept of the Kurdish Freedom Movement. Thereby the writings and discussions of the prior years and the whole experience of 30 years of struggle could be summarized and put into relation to each other in a systematic way. Without doubt Democratic Confederalism cannot be considered disconnected from the discussions and critics after the collapse of the “state/real socialism” around 1990 and the new leftist and libertarian social and political movements all around the world. The outcome was a critical, inclusive and radical thinking with new perspectives for the Kurds in relation with other people in the Middle East. The new political concept is being expressed with a paradigm based on three pillars. An ecological approach to the life was stressed as much as radical democracy, which goes beyond parliamentarianism, and gender liberation with a focus on women liberation. To repeat the obvious: The pillars and the whole concept are expressed with the aim to achieve a liberated, emancipated, equal and solidarity-based society in harmony with nature.

Radical democracy and women´s liberation had been stressed and developed strongly among the Kurds already for many years before. But actually each of the three pillars of Democratic Confederalism cannot be thoroughly developed without links to the other two. However the initial starting point is women’s liberation.

Prior to 5000 years of women’s oppression and exclusion evolved the Neolithic period when a complete communal social order was created around woman which can be also called matricentric society. Öcalan emphasizes that this social order saw none of the enforcement practices of the state order and existed for thousands of years. It is characterized by equality and freedom, was viable because the social morality of the matriarchal order did not allow ownership and it had a harmony with the nature. It is this long-lasting order that shaped humanity’s collective social consciousness; and it is our endless yearning to regain and immortalise this social order of equality and freedom that led to our construct of paradise.

Öcalan states that with the overcoming of matricentric society by patriarchy, institutionalized hierarchical structures had emerged and spread among human societies which characterized the upcoming states until now. Long before explicit social classes came into being, the first oppressed and exploited class are women. This has been followed in the following centuries and millenia by the oppression of children and man. This political-ideological formation led also to the domination and destruction of nature by humans during the different periods of human history. The ecological exploitation and destruction must be analyzed basically from such an approach.

Today the conservative and reactionary approaches of existing states is experienced in the first instance by society through the oppression of women. Another important point is that women as an oppressed gender have a stronger relationship to nature than men; in all patriarchal societies men are usually more attached to power and thus are more alienated from nature than women. Thus, the struggle for an ecological and liberated society means in the end also the struggle against patriarchy and liberation of women or, to put it another way, without the liberation of women there cannot be an ecological society.

As the oppression of society starts with patriarchy, it is logical that the KFM has started to focus more and more on the liberation of women which at the same is the liberation of all kind of genders and the whole society. Within the KFM, this consciousness came out to top in the beginning of the 1990s and thus an intensive and widespread discussion on women’s liberation started which became more deep and systematic after the halt of the war in Bakur in 1999 and additionally more with the development of Democratic Confederalism.

Discussing more in depth the approach of the KFM on nature, firstly it has to be stated that the KFM views nature as the body of all living beings, including humans. Humans are part of nature and do not stand over it or any species. Like in the Neolithic Period it is regarded as alive and animated, no different from themselves. All living beings are part of one common big ecosystem which offers enough opportunities to live for everybody. Nature was omnipresent, there was for the significant majority of people always in the daily life a strong connection with nature. Öcalan describes this as follows: “This past awareness of nature fostered a mentality that recognized a multitude of sanctities and divinities in nature. We may gain a better understanding of the essence of collective life if we acknowledge that it was based on the metaphysics of sanctity and divinity, stemming from reverence for the mother-woman.” Today there are still some beliefs where in nature are a multitude of sanctities and divinities, one of them is the Alevi belief. Consequently for spirituality and inspiration among humans, nature was and is the main source.

Based on thorough adherence to ecological principles, nature should be treated respectfully and not as a resource for profit. Nature was and is the source of food, housing and all other material needs of life. Under capitalist modernity, humans living in urban centers are usually weakly connected to nature and understand less the relation and connection to nature. Nature had and has a multidimensional meaning in life, and is essential for the development of culture and identity as well as spirituality. Due to the alienation between human beings which contributes significantly to the alienation between nature and human beings, nowadays nature is overexploited. Despite everyone experiencing the impacts of grave ecological destruction in the next decades, the destruction of nature seems to continue. The current approach of human driven capitalist modernity is a state of betrayal of humans to nature, to their body.

In this sense, if human beings would meet only their needs[4], nature would not experience serious destruction and the ecosystems would have the capacity to recover. At this point, the question ‘What is the real need of people today?’ is not easily answered and should not be left only to biologists or economists. Rather, it relates to the question of democracy, i.e. whether a society can take decisions under broadly democratic conditions free from imposed exploitative-extractive economic policies. We assume that in a liberated, solidarity-based, radical-democratic and ecological society there will be no pressure to over-extract “elements”[5] from nature.

Do not forget that humans are not only physical or material organisms, they have strong and deep immaterial feelings and metaphysical needs in their life. Although humans cannot express them, they do not think and act only in a rational way. For thousands of years, people have sought inspiration and motivation following different methods, including retiring from their surroundings to nature. With the exponential increase of urbanization, asphalt application, cultivation of landscape and investment projects all over the territories, less areas are suitable in this sense and so it becomes always more difficult for inspiration by nature in capitalist modernity, particularly for poorer people from cities who have less financial capacity to experience nature directly. In connection with that, this also affects physical reproduction and recovery activities for people from urban centers.

Communities far away from the urban centers, industry and industrial agricultural areas are closer to nature and have more spiritual connection with the environment. The less there is capitalist modernity, the more natural and spiritual the life can be. If such communities in non-urban areas belong to oppressed groups like the indigenous peoples of Latin America, the Adivasi from India and Alevi Kurds, then the connection to nature may have an additional importance because the oppressed peoples express themselves also through nature. In this sense the nature is a very essential part of their oppressed identity. Accordingly the destruction or misappropriation of nature by the colonialist force is an elimination of their identity. This is often not much understood by people in the capitalist and big urban centers where life no longer has has a strong relation to nature.

In the ideology of the KFM, the ecological perspective is considered of strategical importance and as a tool to create awareness in the whole human society and all human linked activities and processes from a nature conservation, anti-capitalist and holistic perspective. In doing so, the approach is that the dimensions not covered by gender liberation or radical democracy would be expressed with ecology. In this sense, the emphasis on ecology within Democratic Confederalism can be understood also as the completion of the two other pillars.

However, it should be underlined that nature conservation and even nature restoration by humans is a strategic goal. From the very beginning on, the KFM stressed that each living being has the right to exist due to its natural occurrence. The life of animals and plants must be protected actively by humans. Regarding nature conservation, the goal to limit and stop anthropogenic climate change is a crucial topic, as in the next decades it could affect in a much more dramatic way everything on our planet – actually Kurdistan and the Middle East have already been affected for almost two decades due to decreasing precipitation. Climate change is no less important than “nature conservation” (projects/policies to conserve species, habitats and areas of high biodiversity) or the reverse, as some environmental organizations or politicians prioritize in their discussions, they are mutually dependent and should not be treated independently from each other. Climate change cannot be limited to exclude the conservation and restoration of forests, vegetation, rivers, water cycle, soil, air etc. For the KFM, climate change is part of nature conservation and a reason why in this paper climate change is not mentioned specifically.

Thus it is concluded that each struggle against ecological destruction is very essential and a necessary step to re-establish a relation to nature for many people, but in the long-term is not enough to protect the contested natural area and related human society. Not enough, because the related investment project as well as all other destructive projects are caused by the dominant political-economic system. This dominant system will never step back to implement all designed and planned projects.

That is why being ecological means also to criticize all processes in the society, particularly the way of producing and consuming, feeding, housing, mobilization, organizing leisure etc. The KFM rejects categorically the way these models are implemented by capitalist modernity and the direction they take today – KFM’s insistence on communal life is an expression of such a rejection. The current level of consumption is without doubt too much for the earth. Going on like this would end in the dramatic destruction or significant deterioration of all existing ecosystems and the loss of the most biodiversity. If there is no deceleration in the short-term and significant conceptional change in the mid-term, nature’s destruction and climate change will continue and the basis of life will become much weaker, with grave impacts for the ecosystems, biodiversity, animals, plants and billions of humans. The worst affected people would be mainly people, communities and states with weak socio-economic capacities.

To achieve a considerable change of these models, the basic approach must be to reduce consumption of energy and material by at least 80% in industrial states in the medium-term and to find a new balance where each human has the same amount of energy and material for use. One important criteria should be to allow degraded ecosystems and biodiversity to recover.

At this point, it should be emphasized that each destruction of nature or ecosystem has serious impacts on humans and is thus a social destruction – several factors determine the level. Each investment project, like dams and mining, has the high potential to destroy nature as well as to violate the basic rights of affected people. So ecological destruction must be understood also as the violation of political, social, cultural and economic rights of people. This connection is still not made by many critical activists or analysts in our world.

Going one step further, the KFM is aware that with capitalism – even without neoliberalism – the ecological destruction can never be stopped, never mind the reversal [of destruction], i.e. the renaturation of nature and restoration of climate balance. If capitalism dominates the global economy and capitalist modernity, the political sphere, there will be an intense pressure to have “growth” in the capitalist sense and (almost) no space to develop other forms of living, for democratic decision-making processes and a communal and democratic economy. Over centuries and decades, capitalist modernity has conquered the brains and behaviors of billions of humans in a subtle way. It cannot be overcome with a concept based only on new social and economic goals as “real/state socialism” intended to do. Hierarchy, state and capitalism is firstly an ideological development.

Capitalist modernity has started to deepen at an accelerated tempo the alienation of humans from humans and from nature; and this much more than the former hierarchical political systems. Particularly in the last 200 years, each area of the world and each community has been affected by capitalist modernity. Nowadays, all people – except the rich – have been put under pressure with neoliberalism. Through displacing people from their natural environments by physical or economic force to cities, humans lost their culture of living in much more natural surroundings. And when territories are under threat by such destructive investments in areas where people are oppressed on the basis of their identity, the displacement of people by nation-states contributes to the assimilation of cultures under threat and pressure. Small or marginalized oppressed cultures are particularly affected by such policies. The Kurds are one important example for that.

People in cities do not only consume, they are also disconnected from their strong social and cultural heritage and thus are lost fish in the sea, easy to catch. Disconnected from their cultural past means, among other things, to be open for extreme individualistic and isolated ways of life where a healthy balance between individuals and society does not exist. People alienated from nature and communal and solidarity-based relations are much easier to become instruments of exploitation in industrial production, consumption, reactionary thoughts and establishing of authoritarian political systems. Urban people do not know usually any more the name of most plants and animals and how in practice processes in nature function, or how humans can benefit from them sustainably as our ancestors have done it for thousands of years. So humans in cities do not live the nature on a daily basis. In other words, humans do not feel soil, plants, water, sun and air, and start to lose a deep understanding for them and their context. They may know it, usually in theory, like biologists. In cities, more now than ever before, everything is organized with money, while villagers still can produce some of their needs, exchange goods among themselves and support each other with self produced goods. People in rural areas are usually less affected by capitalist modernity and reproduce a thinking and lifestyle less connected to capitalism and state hegemony. In cities, on average humans are faced with more psychological and social trauma than in rural communities, and these traumas are transferred to their children. The traumas of displaced people from rural areas are maybe the worst. Actually, today the majority of our societies live under heavy psychological conditions.

Capitalist modernity creates people offering their labor force to private companies or public organizations without producing any of their needs as their ancestors did in villages. Thus, from their salary they have to buy all their needs. These people are put under hard and stressful working conditions. Working people under permanent pressure did not care much about the ongoing ecological destruction in the first period of industrialization when working conditions and salaries were in the center of their interest. Although strong trade unions did not develop an ecological approach until recently, after generations more and more people in almost all parts of the world have started to think about ecology and alternatives to the capitalist way of living. While in the older industrial states, most people start to learn facts on nature and an ecological life from zero, in the newly or hardly industrialized states there are much more characteristics and remnants of non-capitalistic relations, processes and thinking on which critical people can build up. The recovery can be realized in an easier and faster way, as for example critical people can benefit from the experience of their grandparents, or even parents. Kurdistan is such a geography.

While above the connection between ecology and women´s liberation has been introduced, there is still the connection between ecology and democracy to be described. In order to defend nature and ecological relations, destructive and exploitative projects need to be stopped and the models of housing, production, consumption, mobility, etc have to be altered radically. All this can be done only if democratic decision making structures are dominant in the society, i.e. radical democracy is developed, and no more small circles in the society can influence via lobbying the political decision. Only when there is an economy based on solidarity and communality can the big ecological destruction be prevented in the long-term. Summing up, it can be analyzed that the connection between ecology and democracy is realized particularly via the sphere of economic relations.

The KFM has developed over the years some new terminology with the concept of Democratic Confederalism which may be of interest. Many movements do this, but within Democratic Confederalism some more words have been created. It starts with the name of the concept. Some definitions are a combination of words like “democracy” and “autonomy” or “democratic” and “nation” which are widely used. The theory of Democratic Confederalism also follows the line of occupying existing crucial definitions like “nation” or “modernity” and to give them also a positive content in a certain framework. From an ecological perspective within Democratic Confederalism, the terms “ecological industry” and “communal life” are of higher relevance. Ecological industry may be controversial as industrial activities have led to a big part to the destruction and pollution of nature and continuously concentrate economic and political power. But, at the same time, the human societies have achieved a point of life and economic relations which cannot be maintained without industry. For the KFM “industry” is understood as the production of goods in a systematic and concentrated, i.e. by mechanized processes, way. It needs some expert skills and higher technologies. Actually, primitive forms of industry existed for a long period in human history. The current level of industry, with its negative impacts, was not inevitable; history could have taken a different turn. However, nowadays it is extremely challenging (almost impossible) to de-industrialize societies, which would have incalculable risks. Thus, the question is how to reorganize the industry in terms of technology, capacity and management from an ecological perspective and break with the existing concept of economic growth. Democratic Confederalism has on this topic yet no well-developed concepts, but rather basic ideas.

Role of the Guerrilla in the growing ecological awareness

The increasing ecological awareness is related also to the guerrilla of the PKK, the People’s Defense Forces HPG, which never ceased to exist widespread in the mountains of North and South Kurdistan since the 1980s. The HPG has thousands of guerrillas in huge areas of Northern Kurdistan, and in a broad stretch of 250km in South Kurdistan; thus must be considered as a geographically and highly important political factor. When not fighting with the Turkish Army, the guerrillas spend their time in a mix of military and political education. In South Kurdistan, the focus is even more on political discussion and education.

The guerrillas discuss the entire range of social and political issues in their political educational program. Since the 1990s when Öcalan started to discuss the ecological crisis, the guerrilla included ecology in their discussions. The manner in which it discusses ecology and all the other topics differs from people and organizations in the broader Kurdish society, which makes the discussion itself more independent. The guerrillas are not part of the hegemonic political system and have no narrow individual expectations from the state or others. In contrast, people and organizations from the “normal” society are influenced continuously by concerns and personal limitations. Even if they struggle intensively to get rid of influences by capitalism and statism, there is always a remaining part.

The difference with the guerrilla is that since its emergence in the beginning of the 1990s, the life conditions are exceedingly difficult, but completely communal, based on solidarity and far away from capitalist modernity. There is almost no private propriety existing; money and material interests play no role in the relations among humans; decisions are taken sometimes on a democratic basis; and a system of criticsm and self-criticism is implemented systematically.

Concerning ecology, it is also very crucial that the guerrilla lives in harmony with the nature. There is almost no negative impact by the guerrilla on plants, animals and ecosystems; rather in the last years they care more than ever on this issue. The life is oriented strongly alongside ecological criteria. It follows that the existence of the guerrilla in many mountainous regions leads to the prevention of widespread hunting, and to the preservation of many forests through calls or bans on the start or continuation of numerous destructive infrastructure projects of the Turkish state or the Kurdish Regional Government in South Kurdistan.

The discussions and proposals for overcoming the ecological crisis are often practiced in the guerrilla areas on a small scale and as much as possible in the lives of individual guerrillas and as a community. So there are not solely theoretical outcomes, there is also a dimension of practice. Through this practice in some cases the guerrilla can adjust their first theoretical assumptions.

The ecological practice of the guerrilla can be explained with the following examples: It is absolutely forbidden to throw away waste like plastic or metal in the environment; trees are cut only under exceptional cases; animals are hunted not much and only in a way so that no species would be endangered in a certain region – some species could recover; a few dozen small diversion dams for electricity are built in South Kurdistan which divert usually one third of the flowing water (most states divert between 2/3 and 90%); as much as possible food is produced by the guerrilla’s own means in the mountains.

The results and developed approaches of the guerrilla reflect the material conditions with the strong characteristics of solidarity, communality and ecology; and they challenge the other parts of the society – particularly the part of the population which is physically and politically close to them. The reason is that criticsm is much more profound and ideologically justified, the claims are higher and there are less “realistic” elements which could limit thinking. Thus the guerrilla accept fewer compromises and thus fewer spaces for capitalism. The approaches of the guerrilla are closer to harmony with nature and request stronger and broader communal structures.

Developed approaches and proposals on ecology – like with the other fields – can be connected and transferred quite easily to the broader society of Kurdistan, as there is a strong relation of the guerrilla with the Kurdish society. Consider that each year hundreds of thousands of people meet and discuss with guerrillas. Coming from the capitalist modernity and meeting revolutionaries who share communal life affects these people and beyond, especially young ones.

However, in all fields two basic approaches within the Kurdish Freedom Movement – one represented mainly by the expressed ideas of the guerrilla – collide often in a strong way. Not all proposals are approved one to one by political activists or politically interested people in the broad society who live in different material conditions. There are aspects which the guerrilla does not consider in their discussions as they live far away and in different and extraordinary conditions. Generally, the approaches of the guerrilla are closer to what is considered more democratic, communal, gender liberated and ecological.

The synthesis must have been in the majority of the cases the most correct way, as the KFM managed to survive and to get stronger in the last years. We can say that the mountain-city relations of the Kurds have created over the years a specific dynamic which is beneficial for the whole KFM.

How the contradiction creates a dynamic

The Kurdish Freedom Movement has been winning the local elections in an increasing number of cities in North Kurdistan since 1999, and they have acquired some important knowledge on how local governments can transform the society to be more social, gender liberated and ecologically oriented. It is only since 2010/2011 that the reasons to transform life ecologically were grasped substantially. Previously, the approach and the discourse of ecology were rather shallow, as described above.

There are basically three reasons for that. First, capitalist relations continued to advance quickly in North Kurdistan in the second part of the 2000’s and the ecological destruction reached seriously concerning levels. Second, the concept of Democratic Confederalism has encouraged and strengthened ecologists in Bakur to deepen and broaden their struggle. Third, the critic and resistance against the ecological destruction and exploitation increased in an organized way, gathered some serious experience and even small successes.

The book “In defense of a people” by Öcalan published in 2004 and the declaration of Democratic Confederalism in March 2005 contributed definitively to the better systematization of the ideas and discussion on an ecological society in Bakur and other parts of Kurdistan. In the first months after the declaration of Democratic Confederalism, there was a controversial discussion among many political activists within the KFM or those close to it, about the pillar of ecology. While for the activists who already incorporating ecology in their activism and discussions this was very encouraging and supportive, the others either did not take it into account seriously or raised concerns and considered it premature to emphasize ecology or “not fitting to the reality of Kurdish society”. However, in general, the political structures of the KFM welcomed the pillar ecology and started to discuss it – even it was still only superficially. At least it opened the mind for ecological discussions, campaigns and requests.

Just in this time the Ilisu Dam and Hydroelectric Power Plant, the largest dam project in planning or construction in Bakur and Turkey, came again on the agenda after the Turkish government started a new effort to build it – the first attempt had failed in 2001/2002. Between 2006 and 2010 the struggle against this dam project, which would have huge grave impacts on social structures, cultural heritage and the Tigris ecosystem and destructive consequences for the local society, was continuously on the agenda of the Kurds and got support by many Kurdish organizations, activists and media. Coordinated by the Initiative to Keep Hasankeyf Alive this campaign was an expression of the increased ecological and cultural awareness among the Kurds. It contributed at a new level to the questioning of energy, water, agriculture and development policies of the Turkish state and exceeded significantly the discussions during the first round of struggle on the Ilisu project between 1999 and 2002.

In the following years, there was a steady increase in the number of groups and people working on issues concerning nature conservation, the impacts of big infrastructure and energy projects, food production and social ecology theory. Associations and initiatives opposing dams, mining, coal plants, environmental pollution, urban development, commercialization of life etc. have been initiated or strengthened, for example in Amed, Dersim, Çolemerg (Hakkari), Batman, Qoser (Kiziltepe), Wan and Riha (Urfa). Although in these years the diversity of contested project types broadened, dams were still the main challenge for the ecology movements. These were the years when each square kilometer of Bakur and the whole Turkish state territory have been considered by state planners and big companies as a source of profit – internationally this approach started to be discussed as “extractivism”. Capitalism was spreading to all niches of the society of Bakur. The capitalist modernity unfolded its maximum destructive forces, the AKP government did everything to enable investments in the region. The need to form a coalition of groups and activists with a strong ecological and critical awareness in Bakur became important in these years.

Considering these growing protests and the need to act in a comprehensive way against the encroachment of neoliberal capitalism, the coordination of the Mesopotamian Social Forum, which was organized for the first time in 2009 in Amed, decided to organize an Ecology Forum. At this forum in January 2011, with the contribution of activists by all struggles of Bakur, researchers, representatives of different civil organizations and movements and activists from Turkey and other countries, ecological struggles and approaches were discussed in Kurdistan in a broad and organized way for the first time in history. As a consequence of the forum, “ecology activists” started a discussion to form a network of groups in Bakur. It took more than one and a half year to achieve the first meetings of about ten groups and a decision to form the “Mesopotamia Ecology Movement” was taken. The theoretical basis from the very beginning on was Social Ecology and Democratic Confederalism. Although the name described it as a movement, in the first years it was rather a network.

In these years, capitalism also started to strongly affect some political structures and thinking of activists in the KFM, including municipalities and activists in small towns. Due to the fact that there was still a lack of system and depth in the discussion of ecology regarding all decisions and actions within the KFM, it is not surprising that some people and structures acted contrarily. The impact in the practice was that, among other things, the behavior and approaches of political parties and organizations of the existing hegemonic system did not change significantly for many activists of the KFM. Decisions like city planning did not really brake with capitalist-statist prescriptive practices; some mayors were co-opted by local entrepreneurs to get tenders; and competition far away from solidarity relations between organizations and activists partly increased. These challenges may always come up and become dominant in the case of a not very well developed and accepted radical democratic structure with transparent and inclusive decision-making processes. The KFM had only started in 2007 to set up a completely new political structure which takes the paradigm of Democratic Confederalism as its basis. The Democratic Society Congress (in Kurdish: KCD; in Turkish: DTK) as the umbrella structure of the KFM for the new people’s councils from the neighborhoods, civil society organizations, social movements, professional organizations, municipalities and political parties was quite new and still in the process of finding a way to function properly given the big diversity of above-mentioned structures.

In the initial stage, the Mesopotamia Ecology Movement (MEM) was challenged to find ways to bring the member groups together around subjects, campaigns and discussions and set up a permanent and reliable working structure. If this could be realized, the struggle against the numerous destructive and exploitative projects and policies of the state could be confronted better and within the KCD the struggle for ecological discussions, thinking and approaches would get more political weight. In confronting the government’s projects and objectives, a continuously rising number of people started to question the state policies in other areas. Not only the policies on Kurdish identity, collective rights, education, women’s rights, and militarization, but also those on economy, energy, agriculture and related issues in Bakur became more and more a focus of the political struggle. Each economic decision or investment project started to be perceived more critically.

At the same time, the municipalities governed by the legal party of the KFM came under a critical focus by the MEM because municipalities acting against the political goals of the general movement would harm the whole struggle, including the ecological dimension. The demand was that municipal politics had to be changed comprehensively along ecological principles, developed by the MEM, and the self-administration of people’s councils. The aim of the state is clear: it wants to dominate, oppress and exploit the society in close cooperation with big companies, and in Bakur also with medium-sized companies. In this struggle, the KFM municipalities had to make a clear stance against the state policies. Although municipalities are according to Turkish law in the end an organ of the central government, they have limited capacities and freedom with which they could challenge state policies. While on the one hand they are forced to act in compliance with Turkish law, on the other hand the municipalities should do everything in their powerto support radical democratic structures in the society, i.e. particularly the people’s councils, women’s self-organization and a communal economy, as well as taking as stance against the gentrification of urban areas and bringing equitably services to the entire population. But the reality in these years was often only in part like this. Capitalism has put the municipalities of Bakur under the pressure to follow the neoliberal AKP municipalities as a development model through the domination of discussions about urban development. It was a time – up until 2011 – when economic growth in Turkey was high, the social contradictions in Turkey and Bakur were significantly less and the AKP government was still not very repressive: hence, the criticsm by the KFM against capitalist modernity did not go down well in Kurdish society. Another pressure was systematic financial discrimination by the Turkish national government: since 1999, KFM municipalities could not benefit from many governmental funds, unlike other municipalities. Obstacles were also often created in the approval of big projects (each big project usually needs approval by the governor, who is directly appointed by the Turkish government) and the KFM municipalities have not been supported with experts and skills like the other municipalities. This latter discrimination was not very surprising, as the Kurds have been oppressed since the foundation of the Republic of Turkey. It is a subject with which a struggle is needed.

However, what was more concerning for the MEM was the lacking stance of the municipalities on capitalist development. In this respect, one case became important for the ecology struggle in Kurdistan. It is about the hill “Kırklar Dağı” in the outskirts of the city of Amed where a housing project was announced in 2009. As a historical and natural area at the south edge of the city of Amed, Kırklar Dağı is very known among the population and thus a sensitive location. When the physical preparation for the housing projects started in 2011/2012, which actually was not in line with the master plan approved in 2006, the MEM and some other civil organizations requested an immediate stop and cancellation. After long discussions and negotiations, the two involved municipalities of Amed rejected this demand. So, when the construction started fully in 2013 a demonstration by the MEM with thousands of people was organized. Although the project did not stop, the demonstration was a novum for the KFM: a civil organization criticized publicly in a sharp way a municipality from their “own political movement” because of an urban project. However, this had some long-term impacts. In the following years, the Democratic Regions Party (DBP, the party of the KFM and member of the HDP) municipalities started to act more carefully when they planned any housing or bigger projects. This case showed that thinking and acting ecologically needs activists to consider also their own side and not the other side, the state and big capital. Apart from the case of Kırklar Dağı there are many other projects in the cities, which are the object of capitalist transformation and need to be regarded much more critically.

Another criticsm of the MEM targets the big shopping malls which have been constructed in the last years in each city. These are private projects and of course supported by the AKP government, but there were some cases where the DBP municipalities have not intervened and in a few cases even welcomed them. Some of the shopping malls could have been prevented, or at least delayed. The Turkish law allows the central government to take over city planning whenever it considers necessary. So, the question is how to resist this legal unfairness; even if it not possible to impede in the long-term the non-wanted projects, at least they should be delayed and subject to public debate. After intensive criticsm by the MEM and other movements like the women’s movement in 2014, a much more critical approach has been implemented by the DBP municipalities.

These two cases show that the ecology struggle in Bakur shouldn’t only focus in rural areas, but also in urban areas, because capitalism started to seek for profitable investment projects everywhere many years ago. 2013 was the year when an ecological awareness and criticsm started to express itself much more openly, accompanied by public actions, and this not only through the MEM. The youth movement, women´s movement, professional organizations (particularly architects, engineers, medical doctors), and trade unions achieved a qualitatively new level in their approach as to how society might be conceived from an ecological perspective.

At this point, it needs to be stated that within the concept of Democratic Confederalism, one field – in Bakur society is organized by the Democratic Society Congress (DTK/KCD) into 14 fields (also branch or sector), like women, justice, health, education, diplomacy, beliefs, ecology, municipalities, youth, self-defence – is usually promoted by one movement or organization, but it is not only limited to this organization. Actually, it is favored that activists from other fields also deeply discuss ecology, women’s liberation or communal-democratic economy. For this, the connections between the fields become important. In parliamentarian systems, ecological/environmental NGOs and movements usually act on their own for the objective to stop certain projects and/or to change the laws or society in ecological sense. In the new system of Bakur – and Rojava – the social movements struggle for their objectives, but do it within a democratic and inclusive system. This comes from the perception that society is one whole and has been divided by capitalist modernity so much that the different social and political groups and genders do not act in balance with each other: one group always tries to dominate the other one. In capitalist modernity, usually the groups with big financial capacities or weapons dominate over the others. This is a significant difference, which has been brought by Democratic Confederalism.

An example of how the different movements can work successfully together and how much the different fields are interrelated, are the relations of the MEM with the economy movement. The economy movement was formed in 2013 after broad discussions by dozens of activists from different struggles and critical economists from Bakur and Turkey. Among these people were several activists from the MEM. Since then, there has been a good connection and exchange between the two branches. The good relationship has brought the two branches together into cooperation on certain projects; projects which are related to both fields of ecology and economy. One example is the long-discussed construction of a bank for local organic seeds. A dynamic, cooperative and critical relation with the new upcoming economy movement, which wants to develop a communal and democratic economy in Bakur, is crucial for the aim of developing an ecological society. All that is discussed and developed among the MEM is aimed to be implemented in cooperation with the economy field as well with as the municipalities. Without considering communal economy, an ecological society is impossible, as described above.

The Mesopotamia Ecology Movement

In 2014, a new discussion among the activists of the MEM about its restructuring with the aim of becoming a real and broad social movement started. After many discussions, this resulted in the formation of councils in each province of Bakur, which offered space for political activists working on ecology and for newcomers. All previous and new initiatives and associations and activists working on ecology, but also other civil society organizations, professional organizations, unions, municipalities and the people’s councils of the KCD in the urban quarters and rural regions were invited to participate. This form of representation intends to include as much as possible of societal playors and to establish something which in short and medium term should build a society that is more ecological, and thus, more just and democratic.

The main work of the MEM is done in the different commissions which are established according to the needs and emphasis defined by the provincial councils. Every activist in the MEM joins at least one commission in their province. Apart from the commissions, which exist in nearly every province, there are some specific commissions. For example, in the province Dersim, there is one commission for forests, and in the metropolitan area of Amed, one for animal rights. There are also a few commissions at the Bakur level, like those for diplomacy, law and organising. The coordination at provincial level consists of the two co-spokespersons – one woman and one man. The co-chairs are elected periodically (3 or 6 months) by the provincial assembly, which gathers at least twice a year (sometimes 4 times each year). Each provincial assembly elects annually several (around 6) delegates based on a gender quota for the assembly at the Bakur level, which meets twice a year. The coordinations at the provincial level elect two delegates, one woman and one man, for the Bakur coordination, which meets more often than the Bakur assembly. As it can be determined within the MEM, each structure has a gender minimum quota of 40% for its delegates. The MEM itself has a 50% quota.

Since this restructuring, the MEM is now represented more strongly in the KCD through the actions, projects and campaigns it is realizing. The MEM can better bring its content and requests to the coordinations of the KCD on provincial and Bakur level, and to the KCD general assembly. The stronger the MEM is, the more it can impact on the KCD as a whole, and on its activists. For example, it is crucial to work towards those municipalities which have no good practice on ecology as well as on other issues.

The MEM is connected quite well with many ecological movements and NGO’s outside of Bakur within the Turkish state. Since 2015 there have been several common actions, delegations (like on forest fires) and discussions. In this sense, it is part of the ecology council of the People Democratic Council (HDK). The HDK is the turkey-wide supra-structure of all structures of direct democracy, thus also including the HDP. In other words, HDK is equivalent to KCD while not being comparatively strong like the KCD.

Since its start, the MEM had to struggle with a low awareness for ecology in society, which has its impacts in the different organizations of the KCD. Although there is a meaningful change in the last years, ecology is still considered by a big part of the society as something elitist and far away from real life and is associated with focusing on the conservation of some species, or important natural areas, or having healthy but expensive organic food. Moreover, the terminology used still does not make much understandable what the activists are seeking. That is why practice has become so crucial in order to attract more people for the movement. Considering that even a large number of people with an academic background are interested less in theory and more in practice, projects on the ground can motivate and activate many and can make better understandable what is aimed for with an ecological society. Projects like common gardening and traditional construction, which all interested people can join, also have the impact that the MEM can validate and develop its theoretical approach based on the outcomes of such projects. This should be considered also in the light that the KFM starts with the general approach in most fields of society and substantiates its approach in a protracted process of practice and discussion. Projects on the ground offer collective work and give back the feeling of community and solidarity to people, particularly from cities. One successful project was the collection of local and organic seeds from different areas of Bakur in the winter of 2015/2016 and their reproduction in 2016 in seven provinces. The reproduction has been done mostly with the local people’s neighborhood councils, which is a good example of how the different fields of the KCD can work together. This campaign on seeds received interest by many parts of the society. Considering that humans are rational as well as emotional beings, touching soil, water, mud, plants and wood can create a big synergy. A further result such a practical approach can have is that in times of repression and war it can hold people together and allow them to come through politically difficult periods, like the one started with the war in the summer of 2015, which worsened with the state of emergency in summer 2016.

In the autumn of 2015 the MEM conducted a half year discussion on the eight main political fields (agriculture, energy, water, health, communal economy, forests/biodiversity, ecological cities, eco-technology) for what working groups at the Bakur level had been established. At the end of these processes, papers were prepared and later approved at the first MEM conference in April 2016 in Wan. These policy papers have become the guidelines for the future work, which cover a broad span, and are linked to other political fields like women’s liberation, economy and health. This challenging work may help to find initial answers on the question as to which direction the MEM should take, strengthening without doubt the commitment to the struggle, and prividing tools for successfully struggling against the state and companies, as well as within the KFM.

Remarks

1) It needs to be stated that the heavy political repression in Bakur on all levels of political engagement, which started in summer 2015 and achieved an extreme level with the state of emergency declared in July 2016, has also strongly affected the MEM. Since then, most activities of the MEM have been limited, halted or changed. However, the activities have undergone some important changes. In this paper, the period after the state of emergency has not been considered. Rather, it has aimed to describe the development of the consciousness and discussion on and the struggle for ecology in Bakur before the current repression.

2) The discussions and practice of Rojava has not been included in this paper as there are very different frameworks (no state any more, much less capitalism, etc.) although the political concept is the same.

1. In recent discussions also described as “extractivism”.
2. The KFM uses the definition capitalist modernity in order to describe the current hegemonic political-economic system. According to that, capitalism covers mainly economical activities, while capitalist modernity is a system which includes the political and ideological (for example, mentality, human relations, social behavior) dimension of the developed hegemonic system.
3. Change from use value to exchange value
4. Often “basic needs” is used in such discussions. But it’s quite difficult to differ between “needs” and “basic needs”, thus here it is foregone to use “basic”.
5. Instead of “resources”, which is used widespread nowadays, here “elements” is preferred. “Resources” assumes that they exist or wait to be extracted and exploited by capitalist economy.